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Mock elections are an increasingly popular form of  active learning, adopted in many European countries and the United States. However, we have limited knowledge regarding the extent to  which they enhance students’ civic competence. This article analyzes data from over 9,000 students aged 13-19 who participated in  a  2022 mock election in  Sweden. The goal is  to determine the extent to which mock elections boost civic competence, with an emphasis on potential variations related to  gender, ethnic background, and edu-cational stage. Results indicate that such participation positively influences students’ self-reported political knowledge and, to  a  lesser extent, their political interest, engagement, and efficacy. Yet, the impact varies among student demographics. For instance, foreign- born students reported greater effects than their Swedish-born coun-terparts. Female students displayed heightened political knowledge and interest compared to  males, while male students demonstrated higher political engagement. Interestingly, mock elections seemed to enhance political knowledge more in  primary school students than in  secondary school ones. Conversely, they had a  more pronounced impact on the political interests and engagement of secondary school students. The study concludes with suggestions for future research to  employ more rigorous methods to  assess the influence of  mock elections on civic competencies.

Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.

Introduction

Current literature recognizes that various socialization agents often shape political behavior. This study employs frameworks of political socialization and political agency to explore how extracurricular activities and political intentions established at age 16 influence aspects of political participation and civic engagement at age 20.

Methods

A 4-year longitudinal study was conducted using a community-based sample of 933 adolescents from a medium-sized Swedish city with a population of approximately 135,000. Data were collected in 2010 and 2014, allowing for an analysis of the impact of extracurricular activities and political intentions developed during adolescence on later political and civic behaviors. The analytical sample comprised 933 individuals (50.8% females; mean age = 16.62, SD = 0.71).

Results

The analysis revealed that participation in extracurricular activities at age 16 is a significant predictor of offline political participation at age 20. However, no significant associations were found between these activities and other forms of participation, such as illegal behaviors or broader civic engagement. Political intentions at age 16 also significantly predicted offline political participation at age 20.

Conclusions

The findings highlight the pivotal roles of both socialization agents and individual factors related to youth political agency in shaping political trajectories during adolescence. Understanding the effects of extracurricular activities and political intentions on political participation and civic engagement can aid policymakers and educators in developing strategies to foster active citizenship among young people.

Extreme right-wing violence has resulted in an intense academic debate on how democratic actors can respond to movement on the extreme right. This article explores how various types of CSOs perceive their role, interest, and willingness when it comes to counteracting right-wing extremism. Building on a theoretical framework that makes visible a variety of CSO responses and differences between types of CSOs, the results show that CSOs view themselves as having a watchdog role in relation to right-wing extremism. However, CSOs place the principal responsibility of response to right-wing extremism outside organized civil society in the hands of politicians, citizens, and the media. In addition, not all CSOs are willing to respond in the same way or to the same extent. Humanitarian and social service organizations are more inclined to engage in dialogue and protest compared with sports and recreation organizations and culture organizations. The article concludes by discussing the notion that bridging organizations may be more willing to respond to right-wing extremism and to use dialogue and deliberation compared to bonding organizations.

Skolval arrangeras regelbundet på Sveriges gymnasie- och högstadieskolor för att ge elever möjlighet att ta ställning till, och rösta på ett politiskt parti. Syftet är att stärka elevers delaktighet i demokratin till exempel genom att motivera elever att lära sig mer om partier och politik, och att stärka ett aktivt medborgarskap. Men vilken betydelse har deltagande i skolval för elevers delaktighet i demokratin? Den här policy briefen redovisar resultat från en analys av i vilken mån deltagande i skolval bidrar till att främja ungas förutsättningar att delta i demokratin. Policy briefen är skriven av Erik Lundberg, docent i statsvetenskap vid Högskolan Dalarna i samarbete med Hanna Lundin, mastersstudent i internationell och jämförande utbildning vid Stockholms universitet. Resultaten baseras på den utvärdering av Skolval 2022 som har genomförts av Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor (MUCF).

Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.