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  • 1.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Amnå, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal University College, Stockholm, Sweden.
    En arena för tillit och tolerans?2016In: Föreningen, jaget och laget: 7 perspektiv påmidrotrens  demokratiska effekter, Stockholm: Centrum för idrottsforskning , 2016, p. 27-46Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 2.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap.
    Solid or Flexible?: Social Trust from Early Adolescence to Young Adulthood2017In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 40, no 2, p. 207-227Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

  • 3.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor (MUCF).
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola.
    Tolerance and other citizen competencies2017In: Mechanisms of tolerance: an anthology / [ed] Erik Lundberg, Stockholm: Forum för levande historia , 2017, p. 149-176Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 4.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    MUCF - Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola.
    Tolerans och andra medborgarkompetenser2017In: Toleransens mekanismer: En antologi / [ed] Lundberg, Erik, Stockholm: Forum för levande historia , 2017, p. 145-170Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 5.
    Ac, Ayse
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Lamminen Hedda, Sara
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Vad vet de om heder?: En studie om hurSocialtjänst, polis och frivilliga jourer behandlar hederskonflikter2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Trots att ett flertal åtgärder riktats för att förbättra situationen för de som faller offer för hedersvåld finns det en koherens om att mycket lite faktiskt hänt inom området. Syftet med uppsatsen var främst att undersöka hur Socialtjänsten, polisen och frivilliga jourer behandlar hederskonflikter och varför det uppstått ett misslyckande i att hjälpa de utsatta. Undersökningen tillämpades utefter den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen. En viktig slutsats från projektet är att det främst krävs en kunskapsutveckling inom området om det skall vara möjligt att nå framsteg. En annan förutsättning är att införliva en fungerande integrationspolitik i Sverige.

  • 6.
    Alizade, Hasrat
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Zetterberg, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Frontex, EU:s försvar mot (il)legala invandrare?: En diskursanalytisk studie om Frontex säkerhetiseringsarbete2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Frontex, som är EU:s gemensamma gränskontrollbyrå arbetar med att samordna EU:s medlemsstaters gränsbevakning för att på så sätt stoppa illegal invandring och bekämpa de illegala nätverk som organiserar denna. Detta arbete är dock någonting som resulterar i att det blir svårt, för att inte säga omöjligt för flyktingar att ta sig in i EU på ett legalt sätt för att söka asyl. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka varför Frontex arbetar för att öka säkerheten vid EU:s yttre gränser.

    Det empiriska materialet, som består av Frontex arbetsprogram analyseras genom Köpenhamnsskolans säkerhetsteorier och vår valda metod, diskursanalys. Säkerhetiseringsteorin bidrar till en djupare förståelse av säkerhet medan diskursanalysen bidrar med analysredskap. Genom att dela upp materialet i tre diskurser fann vi att Frontex säkerhetisering riktar sig mot illegal invandring, människosmuggling/människohandel och terrorism. Utifrån vår analys kom vi fram till att Frontex inte gör någon skillnad på migranter i sin säkerhetisering av EU:s yttre gränser. De som inte har giltigt tillstånd får inte tillträde till unionens område, oavsett om de är kriminella eller flyktingar i behov av internationellt skydd.

  • 7.
    Alkvist, Lars-Erik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    Socialdemokratin måste se rött igen2016In: Dalademokraten, ISSN 1103-9183, no 29 novArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 8.
    Altgård, Anton
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Att Styra eller Bli Styrd: En Undersökning av Systemlegitimitet i Kina2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Kinesiska myndigheter återkommer ständigt till problematiseringen av korruption i offentlig förvaltning, men utländska myndigheter pressar hellre den Kinesiska regeringen om det kinesiska politiska systemets brist på demokrati. Denna studie av inflödes- respektive utflödeslegitimitet hos unga personer på orterna Xiangyun och Midu följer upp på tidigare undersökningar av den äldre generationen på samma platser, samt undersöker vilken av ovanstående brister som kinesiska medborgare uppfattar som det största problemet i det kinesiska systemet. Resultatet visar på vissa generationsskillnader, men även på att befolkningen i stort föredrar ett teknokratiskt förhållningssätt till politiskt styre över det demokratiska alternativet.

  • 9.
    Amanuel, Betiel
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Den (miss)lyckade svenska integrationspolitiken: En komparativ studie av den (gamla) integrationspolitiken och den (nya) integrationspolitiken2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka hur den svenska integrationspolitiken har varit uppbyggd och därmed söka bilda en förståelse till varför integrationen har misslyckats i Sverige. En komparativ studie har utförts av den gamla integrationspolitiken formulerad i proposition 1997/98:16 och den nya integrationspolitiken formulerad i skrivelsen 2008/09:24. Genom en diskursanalytisk metod undersöktes hur identitetskonstruktionerna ”invandrare” och ”svenskar” är konstruerade i dessa offentliga dokument. Detta för att se över hur detta har påverkatHögskolan Dalarna3integrationspolitiken. Genom att analysera identitetskonstruktionerna i de olika integrationsstrategierna kommer uppsatsen fram till att integrationspolitiken har misslyckats på grund av att det finns en polarisering mellan ”svenskar” och ”invandrare” i både propositionen och skrivelsen som förhindrar integration på lika villkor.

  • 10.
    Andersson, Alexandra
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Youth Policy of the European Union: Implementation of the EU Youth Strategy for the action to reduce early school leavers within two member states.2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This is a case study with purpose to examine the implementation of the European Union Youth Strategy and the action of reducing early school leavers, which was put in force with the youth field of the European Union in 2010. The strategy contains of eight action fields, onwards only the field within education & training will be examined further in line with the strategy’s main objective to provide equal opportunities for young people in education. The theory of Normalization Process Theory focuses on policy implementation and how it becomes fully embedded within the intended society. Throughout the examination will be of how the implementation is supposed to work and how it actually is put into action within the two member states selected for this study, Sweden and Cyprus. The question to examine is to what degree has ‘the EU Youth Strategy’, and the fact of it being implemented within the member states, influenced the reduction of early school leavers. Through the method of comparative case study approach, materials were gattered throughout a variety of forms such as legislations, policies, evaluations, reports and many more. The analysis consists of the implementations of the action into the states, through what institutions and national legislations, as well as analysing the received grant from the European Union and what it has produced within the states. In conclusion, presenting the results of Sweden and Cyprus, both succeeding to reduce early school leavers, nevertheless, through different actions and interpretations of the strategy.

  • 11.
    Antonsson, Jenny
    et al.
    Falu kommun.
    Kaufmann, Bruno
    Falu kommun.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Parkhouse, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Falu dialogguide: En vägledning till medborgardialog2017Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 12.
    Avenäs, Johanna
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Varför en sydsvensk regionbildning: finns svaret i Ansvarskommitténs utredning?2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Den sydsvenska regionbildningen är en förening som tillsammans står bakom en avsiktsförklaring för att slå samman Blekinge, Kalmar, Kronoberg och Skåne till en region med eget utvecklingsansvar. Förslag på att Sverige borde införa regioner med eget utvecklingsansvar lade den statliga utredningen, kallad Ansvarskommittén, fram efter att utförligt undersökt hur Sveriges samhällsorganisation kan förbättras. Efter Ansvarskommittén lade fram sitt förslag diskuterades det kring regionbildningar runt om i Sverige, men dessa diskussioner har en efter en lagts ner, förutom den sydsvenska regionbildningen och denna uppsats vill försöka ta reda på varför. Syftet med denna uppsats utgår ifrån att ta reda på om argumentationen för att bilda region som presenteras i Ansvarskommitténs utredning är drivkraften bakom den sydsvenska regionbildningen. För att ha underlag för att besvara detta syfte utgick jag från följande frågeställning Vilka huvudargument lade Ansvarskommittén i sin utredning fram för regionalisering i Sverige?, Vilka likheter och skillnader finns det i huvudargumenten för regionalisering från Ansvarskommittén i förhållande till den sydsvenska regionbildningens sätt att resonera kring en regionalisering? och Mot bakgrund av forskningslitteratur om regionalism, nyregionalism och regionalisering, i vilken utsträckning kan dessa begrepp kopplas samman med Ansvarskommitténs utredning? För att besvara syftet utgick jag från Ansvarskommitténs utredningsdokument och dokument från den sydsvenska regionbildningen. Genom kvalitativ textanalys i form av idéanalys och argumentationsanalys kom jag fram till att det verkar som att den sydsvenska regionbildningen har sin drivkraft i Ansvarskommitténs argumentation.

  • 13.
    Balborg, Rasoul
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The role of the United States of America and the United Kingdom in the overthrowing of Mohammad Mossadeghs Government in Iran, 1953: A study of an intervention2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to verify which factors contributed to the democratically elected Government losing political power in Iran in 1953 under the leadership of Mohammad Mossadegh. The study answers why Mohammad Mossadegh was not able to mobilize the people of Iran against the coup and how the coup could be carried out despite his support from the people. The last part of the study examines what kind of relationship the Iranian army had to the US and the UK and why they opposed Mohammad Mossadegh, isolated his Government and took part in the coup. The study uses two theories. Its theories are flowing: The first theory is The Rational Actor Model and the second theory is The Organizational Behaviour Model which has been written by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. Analysis units for this case study are UK and the USA and their motives and opinions.

    In 1953 Harry Truman left the President post and was replaced by Dwight David Eisenhower. British agents convinced the new Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles and his brother Allen Dulles, that Mossadegh led Iran to Communism. Dwight Eisenhower and Winston Churchill became the coup's main sponsors. There were some random events that made the coup possible. On 16 August 1953 orders came from the US and UK that the coup should be cancelled and local actors also agreed with this. Three days later, on August 19 of 1953 the coup became possible when the National Police Commissioner General Mohammad Daftary allied with the coup supporters. Local actors in Iran under the leadership of General Mohammad Daftary who became police chief after the first coup attempt at 16 of August 1953 played an important role in the overthrowing of Mohammad Mossadeghs Government. That kind of event was a desired support for the US and UK’s Foreign Policy at that time. Both countries used this in the best way by giving money to the coup supporters in Iran. The coup in Iran becomes the beginning of a chain of similar covert operations conducted by the US and its allies around the world during the Cold War period up to the breakdown of the Soviet Union, 1991.

    The coup was planned by the CIA as well as the SIS, and the final green signal was provided by both Governments of the USA and UK. Thus the coup was not a hasty decision taken by the lower levels of the bureaucracy. This was covered by high ranking administrative officials, including President Dwight David Eisenhower and Prime Minister Winston Churchill and their local agents. This study shows how post war USA and UK could not tolerate to see free leaders grow who wanted to work for their own national interests. Mohammad Mossadegh who had a character for loyalty and service to the Iranian people could definitely not be tolerated under such a state of affairs. The new world order required independent states which needed to make their position clear if they were to join the Soviet pact or whether wishing to join themselves with the western world. Mohammad Mossadegh and Iran was one of the Middle Eastern states that became a part of the Cold War politics and economic interests between the USA, UK and the Soviet Union. This type of problem is about the US and the UK financial interests in the oil industry and that there was also an international cold war conflict between the USA and the Soviet Union.

  • 14. Berg, M.
    et al.
    De Majo, Veronica
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science. Örebro universitet.
    Understanding the Global Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction2017In: Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy, ISSN 1944-4079, E-ISSN 1944-4079, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 147-167Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Disasters are a growing international concern that has spurred the development of political strategies and policies from international to local levels. This paper analyzes how disasters are constructed as a policy problem within the UN global strategy for disaster risk reduction. Building on a social constructivist view of policy problems, we analyze how disasters and disaster risks are being represented through these global policies, while we also pay attention to what this representation excludes and de-emphasizes. We show that the UN strategy is mostly concerned with adjusting or adapting societies to hazards, and managing risks, rather than addressing the social processes that render people vulnerable to those hazards. The predominant concern with technological and managerial solutions eclipses the need for changes in the social structures that create disaster risks. We argue that the understanding of disasters represented in the UN strategy supports an emerging holistic paradigm. However, we also argue that the holism it represents is limited rather than radical. By making visible what is excluded or not properly problematized in this representation, we point to the complexity of the task and show where its limitations lie.

  • 15.
    Bergman, Saga
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    "Vissa tycker att man leker, vi tycker inte det": Uddevalla ungdomsfullmäktiges chanser till verkligt inflytande.2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Studien berör Uddevalla kommuns arbete med ungdomsfullmäktige. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att det är viktigt att ungdomar har möjlighet till mer inflytande än de har i dag. Uppsatsen bygger på sex stycken kvalitativa intervjuer. Syftet med studien är att identifiera och tolka vilka möjligheter ungdomsfullmäktige i Uddevalla har i dag till inflytande över kommunalpolitiken. Studien innehåller också en analys över hur berörda tjänstemän, politiker och ungdomar tror man kan öka ungdomsfullmäktiges möjligheter till inflytande. Resultatet av undersökningen är att Uddevallas ungdomsfullmäktige inte ger ungdomar möjligheter till verkligt inflytande över den kommunala politiken. Detta då valen till ungdomsfullmäktige och ungdomsfullmäktiges mötesform är bristfälliga. Det finns heller inga garantier att makthavarna låter sig påverkas av ungdomsfullmäktiges beslut. Övriga resultat i studien pekar på att när ett ungdomsfullmäktige har en egen budget så ökar deras chanser till inflytande. Samt att det är viktigt att kommunens övergripande mål med ungdomsfullmäktige är att ungdomarna ska få mer inflytande i politiken om ungdomarnas chanser till inflytande ska öka. Studiens resultat tyder även på att chanserna för att ungdomsfullmäktige ska ha inflytande ökar om de har en egen ung tjänsteman.

  • 16.
    Bjernevi, Maria
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Political Parties as Actors in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: A Comparative Case Study of Islamist Parties in Egypt and Tunisia after the 2011 Arab Spring Revolutions2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Different actors are important during transition from authoritarian rule and democratization, e.g. state institutions, political parties, non-governmental organizations, trade unions, the business sector, and the media. This comparative study looks at the leading political parties in Egypt and Tunisia, the Freedom and Justice Party and the Ennahda Party, and their role during the transitions that started with the 2011 Arab spring revolutions. These parties have certain common features as they are Islamist in their origin and orientation. Focus here is on the roles that they played in central processes during the transition, such as e.g. elections and constitution writing. Whereas Tunisia after the 2011 revolution continued on the road towards democracy, Egypt experienced a second revolution, or rather a coup d´état, which sent the country back to authoritarian rule. In 2016, Tunisia was declared by Freedom House to be the first "Free" (democratic) Arab state since Lebanon lost that status with the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. Egypt, meanwhile, is assessed as being more authoritarian and less free than it was during the Mubarak regime prior to 2011. The purpose of this study is to examine if – and if so, how – the actions and behavior of these political parties and their leaders contributed to the different outcomes of these transitions.

  • 17.
    Bjällfalk, Emelie
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Building Stress- Resilience among Swedish Humanitarian Aid Workers: - The Pre- Deployment Preparation from the Humanitarian Aid Workers’ Perspective2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the study is to examine how well MSB (Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency) prepare the Swedish humanitarian aid workers to face stressful situations, looking at the pre- deployment preparation received. The study investigates how effective and relevant the pre- deployment preparation is in terms of building resilience against stress, according to the humanitarian aid workers’ experience.

    This study has been conducted with a quantitative online survey, combined with a qualitative open- ended survey. The surveys were based on research models on work-related stress and on resilience- building among humanitarian aid workers. The frameworks point out criteria needed to be fulfilled by an organization in order to build sufficient stress- resilience among humanitarian aid workers in the pre- deployment phase.

    The results reveal that MSB is able to fulfill most of the criteria set in accordance with the theoretical framework. The one and only criterion MSB fails in providing is an open, in- depth discussion about mental health before the aid worker is deployed. This also corresponds to the aid workers experience of not being provided with this. The aid workers’ experience reveals that resilience against stress is important, however, many seem to build resilience independently from MSB.

  • 18.
    Björkvall, A.
    et al.
    Örebro universitet.
    Nyström Höög, Catharina
    Dalarna University, School of Humanities and Media Studies, Swedish.
    Legitimation of value practices, value texts, and core values at public authorities2019In: Discourse & Communication, ISSN 1750-4813, E-ISSN 1750-4821, Vol. 13, no 4, p. 398-414Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A large number of Swedish public authorities produce 'platform of values' texts that present core values. This article presents a study of how such texts and practices, including the core values they revolve around, are legitimized. Using Van Leeuwen's legitimation framework, three different data sets are analysed: 47 'platform of values' texts, a focus group discussion with seven senior HR officers, and a quantitative questionnaire study answered by civil servants at three public authorities. The analysis shows how the existence of 'platform of values' texts and practices is legitimized through rationalizations, above all by describing the texts as concrete means for reaching specific ends and, with regard to the choice of core values, through a custom-conformity type of authority. Thus, this article addresses discursive transformations of contemporary organizations with a particular focus on available discursive space for critical thinking in the wake of New Public Management and related developments.

  • 19.
    Blom, Michaela
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Socialdemokraterna och FRA-frågan: En analys om politiskt spel2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    FRA-lagen har varit omdiskuterad och kritiserad. Ett parti som stått på båda sidor

    av diskussionen har varit Socialdemokraterna. Syftet med denna uppsats har

    främst varit att analysera motiven bakom Socialdemokraternas vändning i frågan.

    Metoden för undersökningen har varit en deskriptiv fallstudie med Rational choiceperspektiv

    och idéanalys som analysverktyg. Metoden gav mig tillförlitliga resultat.

    Ett resultat av studien visade bland annat att Socialdemokraterna handlat

    rationellt i hopp om att återfå ett större väljarstöd.

  • 20.
    Blomberg, Johan
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Muslimska brödraskapet: Demokratiska avsikter?2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 21.
    Bostany, Abed
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Rysslands agerande i Syrienkonflikten: En studie utifrån det neorealistiska perspektivet2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    After about 40 years of dictatorship of the Assad family the people of Syria were fed up and at the time of the Arab Spring 2011 a revolution in Syria started, which later on turned into a civil war which has been going on for seven years. This has led to the civilian population suffering from both the regime and the oppositional side. The UN has repeatedly submitted resolutions but none have gone through when Russia and China have used their veto rights. They point out that other countries should not get involved with Syria's internal affairs without the consent of Syria.

    The question that arises is why Russia prevents the UN from actin in Syria despite the humanitarian disaster that occurs in the country. By analyzing Syria based on the realism theory I will be able to map out the underlying reasons for why the UN are being prevented from acting. The method I will use is intentional analysis to reveal the hidden intentions and motives Russia has in Syria.

    The results of this study are that the action by the Russian side clearly shows that Russia has strategic motives in Syria to preserve its interests and to strengthen its structural position in the international politics. Russia's economic and geopolitical interests in Syria mean that they act according to their interests, thus preventing the UN from acting, as a possible regime change would represent an economical and geopolitical backlash for Russia. This means that realism explains the case best because it stresses that states act according to their own interests and that international organizations are meaningless.

  • 22. Brewer, Denice
    Understanding voter participation in swing states in the United States: A theory consuming study to understand the factors explaining the difference of voter turnout in swing states2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis will apply a theory consuming method studying voter turnout between swing states in the United States. To accomplish the theory consuming study, the study is divided into two phases. It will start testing Downs’ rational choice theory and apply this to voter turnout. It will then move on to applying the independent variables, socioeconomic background and voting laws to understand voter turnout from this perspective. The study starts with the hypothesis that Downs’ rational choice theory should be able to explain swing states’ voter participation. However, the research shows rational choice theory cannot explain the voter turnout in swing states. In the second phase, the study tests socioeconomic background and voting laws. These two independent variables better explain the voter turnout in swing states. Being well educated while being well off financially have a bigger impact than what rational choice theory can explain. It does not matter if P is overestimated and C is almost nil, it did not help to explain the voter difference in swing states, even though according to the theory, swing states should vote accordingly. To be able to increase voter turnout in swing states with a low voter turnout, not only does voting laws have to become more liberal, but one law in particular seems to make the biggest difference: the possibility to register on election day. However, changing voting laws are not enough. The largest impact is your socioeconomic background. A high educational attainment and being financially stable over the poverty level are the core reasons for voter turnout. Taking people out of poverty and creating opportunities for all to attend college is where higher voter turnout starts.

  • 23.
    Cederblad, Linda
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Examensarbete Kosovos självständighetsförklaring: En studie om vilka de bakomliggande faktorer som låg till grund för Sveriges erkännandepolitik var då Sveriges regering valde att erkänna Kosovo som självständig stat.2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Studiens övergripande syfte är att försöka fastställa de bakomliggande faktorerna som låg till

    grund för Sveriges erkännandepolitik då Sveriges regering valde att stödja Kosovos

    självständighetsdeklaration. Genom att söka svar på min forskningsfråga om vilka internationella

    och nationella faktorer som påverkade Sveriges erkännandepolitik då Sveriges regering

    beslutade att erkänna Kosovo som självständig stat används den kvalitativa fallstudien som

    metod. Med utgångspunkt från det teoretiska ramverket för utrikespolitisk analys där första

    steget i Jakob Gustavssons modell används försöker den här studien fastställa dessa faktorer.

    Mina slutsatser är att de bakomliggande faktorerna som låg till grund för Sveriges

    erkännandepolitik då Sveriges regering valde att stödja Kosovos självständighetsdeklaration är

    internationellt på systemnivån Sveriges medlemskap i EU som har inneburit deltagande i GUSP

    där även om medlemsländer inte överlämnat sin suveränitet till EU ändå inneburit anpassning av

    sin egen politik efter EU:s målsättningar, nationellt på statsnivån Sveriges organisatoriska

    anpassning till EU där samordning mellan medlemsstater samt inom medlemsstater har varit ett

    krav och på individnivån dåvarande utrikesministern Carl Bildt med sin utrikespolitik, sitt

    egenintresse och sina idéer.

  • 24.
    Chiesi Lundgren, Giuliana
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Fernelius, Felicia
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Can France really stop them?: A study grounded on the realist perspective about the French foreign policy towards Syria as the root cause of the Phenomenon of French Foreign Fighters2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    During the Syrian conflict the number of European Foreign Fighters has increased exponentially and has become an ever-growing concern for European policymakers. This phenomenon presents host of major security challenges for European policymakers and governments. Among European countries, France provides the highest number of citizens who have gone to Syria to fight against Assad´s regime. The French authorities have estimated that by mid-2014, over 700 French citizens have left France and travelled to Syria to fight. Historically France has had a relationship with Syria which started with its role as a border-drawing colonial power. Grounded in a framework of realism, that emphasizes nation-states as the primary actor within the international system, the analysis concentrates on the role of France´s foreign policy on the Syria as push factor for terrorism and radicalization. This paper attempts to determinate a specific correlation between the policy that France has been conducting towards Syria between 2000 and 2015, and the phenomenon of French Foreign Fighters. Findings suggest that France´s foreign policy towards Syria is the main root cause of the French Foreign Fighters phenomenon.

  • 25.
    Choudhry, Sujit
    et al.
    Center for Constitutional Transitions.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Kyrychenko, Julia
    Center for Policy and Legal Reform.
    Semi-presidentialism and Inclusive Governance in Ukraine: Reflections for Constitutional Reform2018Report (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This report assesses the ways in which the semi-presidential form of government can be best structured to promote stable, democratic and inclusive governance in Ukraine.

    Constitutional stability in Ukraine has faced four main challenges: (a) recurring institutional conflict among the president, legislature and government; (b) a presidency that has fallen prey to autocratic tendencies; (c) a fragmented and weak party system that has undermined the capacity of the legislature to act coherently; and (d) a weak constitutional culture and a weak Constitutional Court.

    The report presents comparative knowledge from other semi-presidential systems, and reflections on the Ukrainian context, which could benefit a wide range of stakeholders, such as legislators, policy advisors, think tanks and civil society. It is based on an earlier report, Semi-Presidentialism as Power Sharing: Constitutional Reform after the Arab Spring, co-published by International IDEA and the Center for Constitutional Transitions in 2014.

  • 26. Dahlström, Carl
    et al.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Pronin, Kira
    Conflict-resolvers or Tools of Electoral Struggle? Swedish Commissions of Inquiry 1990-20182019Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 27.
    Dakwar, Nina
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Med möjlighet att binda: Tillkännagivandets funktioner i det svenska parlamentariska systemet2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Tillkännagivanden från riksdagen till regeringen är ett statsvetenskapligt ämne inom svensk politik som är bristfälligt studerat. Syftet med denna beskrivande studie är att öka kunskapen om tillkännagivandet och vilka funktioner det fyller. Den grundläggande frågeställningen bryts ned till tre preciserade delfrågor om innebörden av begreppet tillkännagivande, hur man använder sig av det och hur man förhåller sig till det. För att placera forskningsproblemet i sitt sammanhang utgår jag från begrepp inom parlamentarisk demokrati och relationen mellan riksdag och regering. Delfrågorna undersöks genom litteraturgranskning och genom metoden kvalitativ textanalys med inriktning klassificerande analys. Som kompletterande metod till kvalitativ textanalys har samtalsintervjuer genomförts. Genom kvalitativ textanalys undersöks fyra tillkännagivanden samt regeringens redogörelser för behandlingen av riksdagens skrivelser till regeringen som avser svar på de fyra tillkännagivandena. Samtalsintervjuer genomförs med två tjänstemän vid utskottskanslier och med två politiska sekreterare vid socialdemokraternas respektive moderaternas partikanslier i riksdagen. Resultatet visar att riksdagens tillkännagivanden till regeringen är uttalanden av riksdagen i obestämd beslutsform som inte är bindande konstitutionellt men däremot politiskt bindande för regeringen genom en tradition av konstitutionell praxis. En av tillkännagivandets funktioner är möjligheten för riksdagen att uttala sig i denna form. Det som utgör en möjlighet för riksdagen kan i förlängningen bli politiskt bindande för regeringen och bidra till att riksdagen indirekt stärker sin makt. Genom att använda analysnivåerna individ-, parti- och parlamentarisk nivå visar resultatet att aktörer på olika nivåer använder tillkännagivanden som ett verktyg för olika syften. En annan av tillkännagivandets funktioner är att användas som verktyg för att kunna lyfta, kanalisera upp, ett förslag från en lägre individ- eller partinivå till den parlamentariska nivån där korrespondensen av skrivelser mellan riksdagen och regering sker.

  • 28.
    Day, Rachel
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Peace Without Arms: Viable Option or Far-Fetched Ideal?2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper argues that a State can reconstruct it’s own politics in such a way

    that allows for more reliance on conflict resolving international organizations and

    institutions and can reduce the need for military force and/or power politics. Accordingly,

    the complexities of the security dilemma can be reduced or eliminated. I utilize a single

    case study approach that analyzes the 2010 territorial conflict known as the ‘Isla Calero’

    dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Using both an inductive approach and semistructured interviews, this paper analyzes how the dispute was settled without the use of power politics. It is argued that Costa Rica was able to halt the cycle of the security

    dilemma through their decision to demilitarize. Moreover, I argue that Costa Rica’s

    approach is relevant and applicable to other states and could contribute to successful

    conflict resolution between States without the use of power politics.

  • 29.
    De Majo, Veronica
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science. Örebro universitet.
    Olsson, J.
    Institutional foundations of disaster risk reduction policy. Exploring and elaborating on two different cases: Argentina and Sweden2019In: Disaster Prevention and Management, ISSN 0965-3562, E-ISSN 1758-6100, Vol. 28, no 2, p. 245-257Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore and elaborate on how institutional conditions work to the advantage and disadvantage of disaster risk reduction (DRR) policies on different levels in two countries. Design/methodology/approach: A qualitative case study design is used to study empirically two countries with very different traditions when it comes to political-administrative institutions: Argentina and Sweden. Findings: As expected, the institutional foundations of DRR policy in Sweden are shown to be more consistent and stable than in Argentina. However, this difference is of less importance when considering the crucial role of local practices. National institutional foundations can function as support – but is not a necessary condition – for building disaster preparedness on the ground. The authors argue that national governments cannot do without institutionalized praxis-based preparedness, which is vital for both effective emergency management and learning. Originality/value: This paper contributes to the disaster research debate by elaborating on institutional arrangements that can facilitate or hinder DRR strategies in a multi-level context. The main argument is that institutional practices on the ground are important to compensate for insufficient national institutions, either because they are weak or too distant from practical DRR. The authors also elaborate on how institutional practices can function as a source for learning and for building legitimate practical authority from the bottom up. © 2019, Emerald Publishing Limited.

  • 30. Dross, Dominik
    et al.
    Larsson, Hanna
    Drones and the Change of Ordinary Warfare: New Wars and Old Laws.2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In  the  contemporary world  a

    new kind of warfare is seen. Within this setting the state's monopoly on conducting warfare is challenged as it involves new conflict parties, non-state actors. Development of technologies has shifted war strategies towards the use of targeted killings and signature strikes, carried out with armed drones. The main purpose of this bachelor thesis has been to examine how such strategies challenge the international laws to warfare. This has been done in a study on the use of targeted killings and signature strikes by the US in Pakistan. The analysis of the case study has been done against the history and development of warfare, the history and development of laws regulating warfare and the laws applicable to the particular Pakistani conflict - Common Article 3 - that deals specifically with non- international conflicts. The most significant findings are that targeted killings and signature strikes challenge these laws. These laws lack common definitions that are vital to limit the  strategies used with armed drones, such as for example “direct taking part in hostilities” and “immediate threat”. The thesis also shows that one particular strategy, the launch of a second drone missile strike following the first one, violates the very purpose of the Geneva Convention, as it hinders the collection of and care for the wounded.

  • 31.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A 'macro-regional' Europe in the making: theoretical approaches and empirical evidence2017In: Journal of Baltic Studies, ISSN 0162-9778, E-ISSN 1751-7877, Vol. 48, no 3, p. 381-383Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 32.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Between Flawed and Full Democracy: 20 Years of Baltic Independence2014In: Models of Democracy: Political Institutions and Discourses in Nordic and Baltic Europe.: Political Institutions and Discourse​ / [ed] Nicholas Aylott, Ashgate, 2014Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 33.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Beyond Borders: The Return of Kin-state Politics in Europe2015In: Baltic Worlds, ISSN 2000-2955, no 1-2Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 34.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Public Opinion in the Baltic States: A Report on Ongoing Research2017Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 35.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Returning to Europe and Turning Away From 'Europe'?: Post-Accession Attitudes in Central and Eastern Europe2017Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 36.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Challenge of Non-Territorial Autonomy: Theory and Practice2015In: Journal of Baltic Studies, ISSN 0162-9778, E-ISSN 1751-7877, Vol. 46, no 1, p. 102-104Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 37.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    When Left and Right Is a Matter of Identity: Overlapping Political Dimensions in Estonia and Latvia2017In: Borders in the Baltic Sea Region: Suturing the Ruptures / [ed] Andrey Makarychev & Alexandra Yatsyk, Palgrave Macmillan, 2017Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 38.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    et al.
    Södertörn University.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro University.
    Democracy between Ethnos and Demos: Territorial Identification and Political Support in the Baltic States2014In: East European Politics and Societies, ISSN 0888-3254, E-ISSN 1533-8371, Vol. 28, no 2Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 39.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörn university.
    Nationality-driven Soviet Nostalgia: Determinants of Retrospective Regime Evaluation in the Baltic States2016In: Twentieth Century Communism, ISSN 1758-6437, Vol. 11Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 40.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Between Institutions and Personalities: Determinants of Trust in the Baltic Presidents2017Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In several political systems, presidents may benefit from the image of being disassociated from a single party and, in a slightly Gaullist manner, project themselves as above-party politics and remain somewhat elevated from the usual political mud-slinging (Sedelius 2004). In the Baltic states, there have been – 25 years after national independence –relatively few presidents and, hence, the institution represents greater continuity than parliamentary politics. For many years, the Baltic presidents enjoyed greater levels of trust than other political actors, such as parties, MPs and PMs (Duvold 2006). Still, the greater popularity of the presidents, as compared with prime ministers and parliamentarians, undoubtedly owes something to the very limits on their governmental powers: the presidents are not closely associated with unpopular economic decisions or with the day-to-day partisan squabbling in parliament (Duvold and Sedelius 2004). Some of them have, on the contrary, acted as mediators during potentially damaging conflicts. In fact, their position may allow them to act as spokesmen for popular discontent (Baylis, 1996, 304). 

    Drawing on a collection of public opinion surveys conducted in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in 2001–2014, this paper deals with two main questions: 1) Has trust in the Baltic presidents increased or decreased over time and and to what extent does trust in the president follow trust in other institutions? 2) What are the determinants of trust in the presidents? To what extent can it be explained in terms of background variables, such as age, socio-economic position or ethnic belonging; by political performance and satisfaction; by attitudes towards the current political regimes; or by a sense of belonging to the country and its society?

  • 41. Ekman, Joakim
    et al.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ethnic Divides in the Baltic States: Political Orientations after the Russian–Ukrainian Crisis2018In: Crises in the Post-Soviet Space: From the Dissolution of the Soviet Union to the Conflict in Ukraine / [ed] Tina Olteanu, Felix Jaitner, Tobias Spöri, Routledge, 2018Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 42.
    Ekman, Joakim
    et al.
    Södertörns högskola.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Demokratiseringsprocesser: Nya perspektiv och utmaningar2014 (ed. 2)Book (Other academic)
  • 43.
    Engström, Maria
    Dalarna University, School of Humanities and Media Studies, Russian.
    Daughterland [Rodina-Doch’] Erotic patriotism and Russia’s future: Conservative mobilization and sexualization of the nation2016In: Intersection: Russia/Europe/World, no 27 SeptArticle in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 44.
    Engström, Maria
    Dalarna University, School of Humanities and Media Studies, Russian.
    Nytt kapitel för Putins euroasiatiska dröm2014In: Svenska dagbladet, ISSN 1101-2412, Vol. 2014-03-25Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 45.
    Engström, Maria
    Dalarna University, School of Humanities and Media Studies, Russian.
    ‘Orthodoxy or death!’: Political orthodoxy in Russia2015In: Religion, Politics and Nation-Building in Post-Communist Countries / [ed] Simons, Greg & Westerlund, David, Ashgate , 2015, p. 65-73Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 46.
    Erikpers, Mikael
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Degree Project: A scientific study of Saudi Arabia and Iran´s involvement in the Syrian conflict2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The first aim of this research has been about explaining the involvement of Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Syrian conflict by using neoclassical realism as a point of departure. By applying this theory on this particular case it was the hope that a complex conflict becomes more understandable. Since neoclassical realism does take domestic factors into consideration, when explaining why a country behaves as it does on the international stage, it was therefore considered a good choice to use this theory when explaining why both countries are involved in the Syrian conflict. This study chose to focus on leaders religious identities as a domestic variable. What is more, a second domestic variable is the ability for the leaders to extract and use their country´s national resources in order to accomplish certain foreign policy goals. This study chose to focus on religion as a resource that both countries use in order to accomplish their respective goals in Syria. What this study wanted to show was that religion could be considered as a resource as well. In addition, the study wanted to expand national resource as a concept and argued that religion as a resource is not confined within one particular border, and is exclusive to one particular country, but instead transcends borders. Thus, religion is less a national but rather a transnational resource that other countries and actors use simultaneously. This study is characterized as a qualitative text analysis. The results showed that Saudi Arabia and Iran view each other as threats to their respective security, and ability to project power in the region. This has to a large extent to do with the leader´s opposite Islamic affiliations. Since Syria is a strategically important country for both Iran and Saudi Arabia, from which they can reduce one another’s ability to further project influence to the rest of the region, both countries foreign policy is to have Syria in their sphere of influence. This is done by supporting opposite religious groups in the conflict. These are Sunni and Shiite groups. Since several other countries and groups are dependent on religion to accomplish their respective goals in Syria, and that the same rebel groups that are being supported by the regimes could turn against them, religion as a resource then becomes more than just being a national one, it becomes transnational.

  • 47.
    Eriksson, Christopher
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A Russian Threat to Gotland?: Russia's Security-Political Interests in the Baltic Sea and the Importance of Gotland2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This paper deals with a topic heavily discussed since Russia's advancements in Ukraine 2014 – that is the security-political situation of the Baltic Sea region. Many experts see the Baltic Sea as Russia's next target and are therefore concerned about the security of the littoral states. Within this area, Gotland is of special interest to me. Gotland is the key to the Baltics and equally strong is Russia's interest in the same.

    I will perform a threat analysis for Gotland to reveal the real danger that Russia's security-political agenda presents. First, I will discuss the Russian realism and its implications for Russia's foreign and security policy. I will specify a set of key factors related to the theory of realism, which I will then utilize and discuss in different cases, representing Russia's policy in recent years. The results of the case studies shall serve as a basis for the discussion of the threat situation Gotland finds itself in.

    I will conclude that a threat to Gotland exists, supported by the implications of the Russian realism, Russia's strong interest in controlling the Baltic Sea region, and Russia's ability to perform hybrid warfare at the least possible political and military cost to itself.

  • 48.
    Eriksson, Martin
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Partikonvergens i den svenska politiken?: En jämförande ideologianalys av Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Arbetarparti och Centerpartiet2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The main purpose of this study is to examine two political parties, the Social Democrats and the Center Party, to see if an ideological convergence have occurred between them during the time period 1990 through 2013. Furthermore, given that ideological convergence has occurred, this study intends to investigate the possible democratic problems that convergence between traditional opposition parties tends to bring about. The main research questions are:

    - To what extent has ideological convergence occurred between the parliamentary parties the Social Democrats and the Center Party during the period of 1990-2013? - Given that party convergence has occurred, what possible problems can this entail from a democratic perspective?

    The methodological approach of this study is based on a qualitative comparative text analysis of ideological character. The material that has been studied is the party´s respective idea programs from 1990, 2001 and 2013. This is done in order to investigate whether an ideological convergence has occurred between the parties. The main ideologies that have been analyzed are liberalism, neoliberalism, socialism and democratic socialism. Together with convergence, these constitute the theoretical framework.

    The study concludes that ideological convergence seems to have occurred between the parties. The study also argues that party convergence between traditional competing parties can lead to a democratic problem, especially in representative democracies such as Sweden. If parties that, from a historical perspective, are seen as opponents to each other converge, this can lead to confusion for the voters and the trust in the political parties risks being damaged.

  • 49.
    Fredriksson, Petra
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Renbro, Terese
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    LVU -politikerns eller professionens beslut?: En studie som syftar att undersöka hur socialsekreterarna ser på sin roll i LVU-ärenden i en politiskt styrd organisation 2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Allt eftersom professionen tar allt större plats på den politiska arenan förändras politikernas roll vilket kan åsidosätta de demokratiska aspekterna. I studien tar vi oss an socialsekreteraren och åskådliggör dess komplexa yrkesroll i en politiskt styrd organisation vilket bidrar till svårigheter när beslut om LVU skall fattas. För att uppnå detta har kvantitativ metod i form av enkätfrågor använts. Resultatet visar att både politiker och tjänstemän har en hög tilltro till socialsekreterarens roll och dess beslutsfattande inom LVU. Socialsekreteraren anser att det är de som har inflytandet över och tar det avgörande besluten om LVU vilket även förstås då återremitteringar sällan sker.

  • 50.
    Fryklund, Björn
    et al.
    Malmö universitet.
    Saveljeff, Sigrid
    Dalarna University.
    Det politiska etablissemangets strategier gentemot högerpopulistiska partier2019In: ARKIV. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, ISSN 2000-6225, E-ISSN 2000-6217, no 10, p. 33-70Article in journal (Refereed)
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