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  • 1.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Den missnöjda demokraten: Ungas politiska missnöje och engagemang i en tid av förändring2015Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 2.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    The impact of political conviction on the relation between winning or losing and political dissatisfaction: findings from Sweden2014Inngår i: SAGE Open, E-ISSN 2158-2440, Vol. 4, nr 2Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Election outcomes, or more specifically belonging to a political minority or majority, have a significant impact on citizens’ attitudes toward the political system and political involvement. This study aims to broaden our understanding in these regards by taking into account the effects of people’s political convictions on the relation between belonging to a political minority or majority and their dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. Using a person-oriented approach, four groups of citizens were identified on the basis of their attachment to political parties. The group of people who were not politically attached to any of the political parties were the most dissatisfied, whereas supporters of parties in government were the least dissatisfied. Moreover, supporters of opposition parties who had high levels of political conviction were more dissatisfied than supporters of opposition parties who had lower levels of political conviction. Overall, the findings of this study show that it is crucial to take into account the individual characteristics of citizens when studying the relations between election outcomes and political attitudes.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 3.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Transcending dichotomies: The many faces of youth dissatisfaction in democracy2014Doktoravhandling, med artikler (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    In the recent scholarly debates over changing citizenship attitudes and norms in advanced democracies, especially when it comes to rising levels of political dissatisfaction, opinion about the political role of young people is divided. For some scholars, they represent a driving force behind the development of new kinds of citizenship values, and constitute an asset to the functioning of political systems. For others, they pose a potential threat to the health of representative democracy, because of their increasing levels of dissatisfaction and civic disengagement. By contrast with these two competing approaches, this dissertation advances the argument that a more balanced view of young people’s political activities is called for. Adopting a quantitative approach, it aims therefore to contribute to better theoretical and empirical understanding of young people’s political dissatisfaction, and to explain their role in a democratic society. Considering different aspects of dissatisfaction, the current dissertation contributes to previous research in significant ways. Among others things, it adds to our knowledge by showing empirically that, in terms of political dissatisfaction, young people constitute a heterogeneous group, with different political roles and profiles, ranging from the healthy to the more threatening. Moreover, it contributes to previous research by highlighting the crucial role played by fair teachers in providing linkages between young citizens and the wider political system. All in all, the findings in the current dissertation have implications for the ongoing debate over the role and significance of young people in the functioning of democratic systems, and also for political socialization research.

    Download (pdf)
    COVER01
    Download (pdf)
    SPIKBLAD01
  • 4.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Youth & Society; CIVIC.
    Amnå, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Fitzgerald, Jennifer
    University of Colorado, Boulder, USA.
    The popularization of unpopular ideas: Discord among friends and intolerance toward immigrants in Sweden2016Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 5.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Amnå, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal University College, Stockholm, Sweden.
    En arena för tillit och tolerans?2016Inngår i: Föreningen, jaget och laget: 7 perspektiv påmidrotrens  demokratiska effekter, Stockholm: Centrum för idrottsforskning , 2016, s. 27-46Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 6.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Dahl, Viktor
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Bilaga 2: En utvärdering av Skolval 20102015Inngår i: Öva och ta ställning: En utvärdering av arbetet med skolvalen 2014 / [ed] Björnstam, Linnea, Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor , 2015, s. 47-55Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

  • 7.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Youth & Society, Örebro University.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES).
    Understanding Critical Citizenship and Other Forms of Public Dissatisfaction: An Alternative Framework2012Inngår i: Politics, Culture and Socialization, ISSN 1866-3427, E-ISSN 2196-1417, Vol. 3, nr 1-2, s. 179-196Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

  • 8.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Det demokratiska utanförskapets geografi2022Inngår i: Demokratin och delaktigheten: Del 3 av 4 ur antologin 100 år till, Stockholm: Kommittén demokratin 100 år , 2022, s. 34-60Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Fulltekst (pdf)
    Det demokratiska utanförskapets geografi
  • 9.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap.
    Solid or Flexible?: Social Trust from Early Adolescence to Young Adulthood2017Inngår i: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 40, nr 2, s. 207-227Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

  • 10.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor (MUCF).
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola.
    Tolerance and other citizen competencies2017Inngår i: Mechanisms of tolerance: an anthology / [ed] Erik Lundberg, Stockholm: Forum för levande historia , 2017, s. 149-176Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 11.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    MUCF - Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Ersta Sköndal Bräcke högskola.
    Tolerans och andra medborgarkompetenser2017Inngår i: Toleransens mekanismer: En antologi / [ed] Lundberg, Erik, Stockholm: Forum för levande historia , 2017, s. 145-170Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 12.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Ungas röst: En studie om ungdomars valdeltagande 2018 och deras egna tankar om att delta i val2022Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [no]

    Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.

    Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 13.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Building trust in times of crisis: A panel study of the influence of satisfaction with COVID‐19 communication and management2024Inngår i: Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management, ISSN 0966-0879, E-ISSN 1468-5973, Vol. 32, nr 1, artikkel-id e12531Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This study examines the relationship between citizens' satisfaction with government COVID-19 communication and management (SWCCM) and institutional trust. By employing a longitudinal approach, using three-wave panel data from Sweden from 2020 to 2022, the study addresses the current lack of research on the interplay between SWCCM and institutional trust across different stages of a societal crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that SWCCM increased slightly over the pandemic period, while trust in institutions slightly decreased. The study also finds that changes in SWCCM predict changes in trust in institutions, suggesting that increased satisfaction with communication and management is associated with increased trust in institutions. Additionally, we find that higher initial levels of SWCCM contribute to a faster decline in trust over time. However, no evidence supports the idea that initial trust in institutions predicts changes in SWCCM. This suggests a unidirectional relationship where SWCCM is a key driver of institutional trust during a crisis. Overall, the study uncovers intriguing dynamics in the relationship between SWCCM and trust over time, and it emphasizes the significance of effective and consistent communication and management in maintaining and boosting public trust during crisis.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 14.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Zetterberg, Pär
    Department of Government, Uppsala University, Uppsala, Sweden.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden.
    Procedural fairness and political trust among young people: evidence from a panel study on Swedish high school students2015Inngår i: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416, Vol. 50, nr 3, s. 253-278Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

  • 15.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Özdemir, Metin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Van Zalk, Maarten
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Dissatisfied Citizens: An Asset to or a Liability on the Democratic Functioning of Society?2015Inngår i: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 38, nr 4, s. 410-436Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Past research has shown that, although a majority of citizens in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some tend to be distrustful of democratic institutions and express dissatisfaction with the way democracy works. It is argued in this article that to better understand the role of various groups of dissatisfied citizens in the democratic functioning of a society, one should examine their democratic characteristics. Based on youth's dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, four distinct groups of citizens are identified. These groups are then compared in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and disposition to break the law. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the law, even if people got hurt compared with other groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and had higher tolerance towards immigrants, and political interest and knowledge. They were also more likely, peacefully and without harming other people, to break the law to change society. Overall, by examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, this study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

  • 16.
    Ac, Ayse
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Lamminen Hedda, Sara
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Vad vet de om heder?: En studie om hurSocialtjänst, polis och frivilliga jourer behandlar hederskonflikter2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Trots att ett flertal åtgärder riktats för att förbättra situationen för de som faller offer för hedersvåld finns det en koherens om att mycket lite faktiskt hänt inom området. Syftet med uppsatsen var främst att undersöka hur Socialtjänsten, polisen och frivilliga jourer behandlar hederskonflikter och varför det uppstått ett misslyckande i att hjälpa de utsatta. Undersökningen tillämpades utefter den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen. En viktig slutsats från projektet är att det främst krävs en kunskapsutveckling inom området om det skall vara möjligt att nå framsteg. En annan förutsättning är att införliva en fungerande integrationspolitik i Sverige.

  • 17.
    Ahlström, Malin
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Det spelar ingen roll var man bor, eller?: En kvantitativ studie om den socioekonomiska boendesegregationen i Sveriges kommuner2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Many of the municipalities in Sweden experience socioeconomic residential segregation which increase the polarization between high- and low-income groups and contributes to a higher degree of inequality between people. Previous studies on neighbourhood effects have mainly examined on a city district level and some of them show that different factors such as health, education, participation in politics and trust in society varies depending on where you live. However, there are fewer studies investigating the segregation on a municipality level which this study does for the purpose of getting an overview of the residential segregation in Sweden. By using inequality index as a measure of socioeconomic segregation this study examines how different variables of causes and social and political consequences may correlate with the segregation. To find out if there is a connection between the inequality index and the variables supposed to be causes and consequences of segregation a regression analysis and a correlation analysis is used. The results are showing that small as well as large municipalities are experiencing a residential segregation and the weight of structures on a higher degree of socioeconomic residential segregation. There is also a correlation between the segregation and several negative outcomes on social and political variables. Based on the results, a conclusion can be drawn that the segregation not only contributes to injustice among individuals but also between the municipalities since some of them seem to possess more numerous of problems than others regarding the living environment.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 18.
    Ahmedi, Idris
    et al.
    Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013).
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Delegationen mot segregation.
    Iran2018Inngår i: Komparativ politik: Tio politiska system / [ed] Carsten Anckar & Thomas Denk, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB , 2018, 2, s. 301-331Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 19.
    Al-Basri, Susanne
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Robertsson, Christoffer
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Personifiering av politik: En fallstudie med komparativa inslag av Sveriges riksdagspartier på Instagram2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    With the change from the most stable party system in Europe to a decline in party membership and a fragmented parliament, Sweden has lost its’ unique status in European politics. A weakened collective identity and changes to social structures have brought the phenomenon of personalization of politics to the attention of scholars. The phenomenon, which centres on the increasing meaning of individual politicians at the expense of a decreasing importance of the political collective, is this studies’ theoretical framework. This study aims to examine the presence of personalization of politics among Swedish parliamentary parties on Instagram. In order to analyse the Instagram accounts a quantitative content analysis was conducted over three separate periods from the election month of 2014, 2018, and 2022. The findings suggest that no linear trend is to be found, however the level of personalization of politics is generally high among the parties on Instagram. Furthermore, the centralized personalization, the focus on party leaders, is exceedingly prominent among the studied cases.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 20.
    Alfano, Vincenzo
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Political animals during a pandemic: The impact of political culture characteristics on non-pharmaceutical intervention effectiveness2021Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Over the course of 2020, different countries all over the world implemented combinations of non-pharmaceutical intervention (NPI). This meant that these governments imposed restrictions that were difficult to enforce (due to the scale of the policies) in order to protect public health from the threat of COVID-19. This is an interesting quasi-experimental setting in which to test the compliance with government prescriptions of populations with different political cultures. With the help of European Social Survey data, and the John Hopkins University dataset on the spread of COVID-19 around the world, the present work aims to test the impact in a sample of European countries of different political culture characteristics on the spread of coronavirus, and thus on compliance with NPIs. The results show that countries with higher social capital follow NPIs more strictly, especially if this capital is of the bonding kind. Moreover, both interpersonal trust and trust in institutions play a role. The former has a positive effect, while the effect of the latter depends on the type of institution: trust in government and parliament does not affect citizens’ behavior, while trust in political parties, justice, the police and the healthcare system does.

  • 21.
    Alfort, Nils
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Latinamerika i diktaturens grepp: En komparativ studie av demokratiutveckling i Brasilien och i Chile under 60-, 70- och 80-talet2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera och diskutera USA:s roll som extern aktör i förhållande till demokratiutveckling i Brasilien (1960–1985) och i Chile (1975–1990). De frågeställningar som uppsatsen vilar på lyder: ”Vilken roll spelade USA som extern aktör på demokratiutvecklingen i Brasilien (1960–1985) och i Chile (1975–1990) under militärdiktaturerna?”; ”Vilka metoder använde USA sig av för att uppnå sina mål?” samt ”Vilka motiv låg bakom USA:s agerande i Brasilien och i Chile under militärdiktaturerna?” För att analysera detta använder jag mig av olika teorier kring demokratiseringsprocesser samt teorier som tar fäste på aktörsperspektivet, d.v.s. hur vissa länder och/eller organisationer och företag agerar för att främja sina intressen och styra andra länder som ofta befinner sig i en underordnad position. Just för att djupare studera USA:s agerande under militärdiktaturerna och de olika förhållningssätt som USA intog gentemot Latinamerika under den valda tidsperioden används de två teorierna liberalism och realism. Det resultat som kan utläsas av analysen är att USA spelade en avgörande roll i det att man under en period motarbetade demokratiutvecklingen i Brasilien och i Chile genom diverse påverkanskampanjer, ekonomiskt stöd till militärregimen, och även direkt involvering så som exempelvis i militärkuppen i Chile. USA:s aktioner under 60- och 70-talet i Brasilien och i Chile var ett mönster i en lång tradition av nordamerikanska involvering i Latinamerika ända sedan Monroedoktrinen. Emellertid antog USA en annan attityd under delar av 80-talet då stödet till diktaturerna omvärderades och man istället arbetade för att skapa en neoliberal världsordning och införa en ny form av demokrati i Brasilien och i Chile. Den amerikanska administrationens uttalade motiv under kalla kriget att hindra kommunismens spridning, kan primärt tolkas som en förevändning då det egentliga motivet var att utöka och befästa egna ekonomiska intressen.

  • 22.
    Ali, Dhifon Sheikh
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Regeringsbildning i Sverige: En teorikonsumerande fallstudie om koalitionsbildningen i Sverige efter valet år 20182021Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Like many other parliamentary democracies, the government building process in Swedenstarts when all the votes are counted and it’s clear what proportion of the vote each party hasreceived. Since the country applies the proportional electoral system, which enables smallerparties to get into the Riksdag and complicates the government formation process. The aim ofthis thesis is to seek an understanding of the causes behind the Swedish governmentformation process that took place post the general elections of 2018. Thus, the study intendsto answer the following questions: How can one understand the causes behind the Swedishgovernment formation process of 2018? In what way can this be explained using the minimalconnected winning theory?The following thesis is a theory-consuming case study analyzing the causes behind thecoalition building process that led to the formation of the current Swedish government withthe help of Axelrod's minimal connected winning coalition theory and the hypothesis of theincumbent government. By applying the theory to analyze the two main ideologicaldimensions that prevail in swedish politics with special focus on the GAL–TAN dimension inrelation to the positions of all relevant parties regarding the government formation the studyhas found the following: The parties positions regarding the coalition building that led to thegovernment formation was informed by a combination of both their ideological beliefs andpolicy goals.

  • 23.
    Alizade, Hasrat
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Zetterberg, Anna
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Frontex, EU:s försvar mot (il)legala invandrare?: En diskursanalytisk studie om Frontex säkerhetiseringsarbete2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Frontex, som är EU:s gemensamma gränskontrollbyrå arbetar med att samordna EU:s medlemsstaters gränsbevakning för att på så sätt stoppa illegal invandring och bekämpa de illegala nätverk som organiserar denna. Detta arbete är dock någonting som resulterar i att det blir svårt, för att inte säga omöjligt för flyktingar att ta sig in i EU på ett legalt sätt för att söka asyl. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka varför Frontex arbetar för att öka säkerheten vid EU:s yttre gränser.

    Det empiriska materialet, som består av Frontex arbetsprogram analyseras genom Köpenhamnsskolans säkerhetsteorier och vår valda metod, diskursanalys. Säkerhetiseringsteorin bidrar till en djupare förståelse av säkerhet medan diskursanalysen bidrar med analysredskap. Genom att dela upp materialet i tre diskurser fann vi att Frontex säkerhetisering riktar sig mot illegal invandring, människosmuggling/människohandel och terrorism. Utifrån vår analys kom vi fram till att Frontex inte gör någon skillnad på migranter i sin säkerhetisering av EU:s yttre gränser. De som inte har giltigt tillstånd får inte tillträde till unionens område, oavsett om de är kriminella eller flyktingar i behov av internationellt skydd.

  • 24.
    Alkvist, Lars-Erik
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Sociologi.
    Socialdemokratin måste se rött igen2016Inngår i: Dalademokraten, ISSN 1103-9183, nr 29 novArtikkel i tidsskrift (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 25.
    Alsouheli, Shams
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Harbi, Ryad
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Human kriminalpolitik eller hårdare tag?: Socialdemokraternas kriminalpolitik 2002–2022. En kvalitativ fallstudie om hur mycket Socialdemokraterna följer sin ideologi i kriminalpolitikens utformning.2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Kriminalpolitiken har varit ett hett politiskt ämne i den svenska dagordningen på grund av den ökade brottsligheten i samhället under de senaste åren. Politiska partier har en avgörande roll i brottsbekämpningen, exempelvis genom att framlägga förslag om lagar och regler för att minska kriminaliteten. Politiska partier formulerar sina mål och åtgärder utifrån sina ideologiska grundvärderingar. Under de senaste decennierna ansågs Socialdemokraternas kriminalpolitik börjat bli mindre ideologisk laddad. Detta skapar en ideologisk problematik, eftersom varje politiskt parti ska utgå från sin ideologi när de utformar sina politiska sakfrågor. Socialdemokraterna är ett socialistiskt parti och därmed bör utforma sina politiska sakfrågor utifrån värderingar och ståndpunkter som finns inom socialismen.Det övergripande syftet med studien är att analysera hur mycket Socialdemokraterna följer sin ideologi i kriminalpolitikens utformning. Samtidigt vill vi se om socialismens värderingar som representerats i kriminalpolitiken har skiftat genom åren. Studien illustrerar i vilken utsträckning Socialdemokraternas kriminalpolitiska förebyggande arbete och insatser hänger ihop med partiets ideologi.Studien visar att Socialdemokraterna har skiftat i sin utformning av kriminalpolitiken mellan år 2002 och 2022. Något som har påverkat partiets inställning till sina ideologiska ståndpunkter.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 26.
    Altgård, Anton
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Att Styra eller Bli Styrd: En Undersökning av Systemlegitimitet i Kina2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Kinesiska myndigheter återkommer ständigt till problematiseringen av korruption i offentlig förvaltning, men utländska myndigheter pressar hellre den Kinesiska regeringen om det kinesiska politiska systemets brist på demokrati. Denna studie av inflödes- respektive utflödeslegitimitet hos unga personer på orterna Xiangyun och Midu följer upp på tidigare undersökningar av den äldre generationen på samma platser, samt undersöker vilken av ovanstående brister som kinesiska medborgare uppfattar som det största problemet i det kinesiska systemet. Resultatet visar på vissa generationsskillnader, men även på att befolkningen i stort föredrar ett teknokratiskt förhållningssätt till politiskt styre över det demokratiska alternativet.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 27.
    Amanuel, Betiel
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Den (miss)lyckade svenska integrationspolitiken: En komparativ studie av den (gamla) integrationspolitiken och den (nya) integrationspolitiken2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka hur den svenska integrationspolitiken har varit uppbyggd och därmed söka bilda en förståelse till varför integrationen har misslyckats i Sverige. En komparativ studie har utförts av den gamla integrationspolitiken formulerad i proposition 1997/98:16 och den nya integrationspolitiken formulerad i skrivelsen 2008/09:24. Genom en diskursanalytisk metod undersöktes hur identitetskonstruktionerna ”invandrare” och ”svenskar” är konstruerade i dessa offentliga dokument. Detta för att se över hur detta har påverkatHögskolan Dalarna3integrationspolitiken. Genom att analysera identitetskonstruktionerna i de olika integrationsstrategierna kommer uppsatsen fram till att integrationspolitiken har misslyckats på grund av att det finns en polarisering mellan ”svenskar” och ”invandrare” i både propositionen och skrivelsen som förhindrar integration på lika villkor.

  • 28.
    Andersson, Alexandra
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Youth Policy of the European Union: Implementation of the EU Youth Strategy for the action to reduce early school leavers within two member states.2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This is a case study with purpose to examine the implementation of the European Union Youth Strategy and the action of reducing early school leavers, which was put in force with the youth field of the European Union in 2010. The strategy contains of eight action fields, onwards only the field within education & training will be examined further in line with the strategy’s main objective to provide equal opportunities for young people in education. The theory of Normalization Process Theory focuses on policy implementation and how it becomes fully embedded within the intended society. Throughout the examination will be of how the implementation is supposed to work and how it actually is put into action within the two member states selected for this study, Sweden and Cyprus. The question to examine is to what degree has ‘the EU Youth Strategy’, and the fact of it being implemented within the member states, influenced the reduction of early school leavers. Through the method of comparative case study approach, materials were gattered throughout a variety of forms such as legislations, policies, evaluations, reports and many more. The analysis consists of the implementations of the action into the states, through what institutions and national legislations, as well as analysing the received grant from the European Union and what it has produced within the states. In conclusion, presenting the results of Sweden and Cyprus, both succeeding to reduce early school leavers, nevertheless, through different actions and interpretations of the strategy.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 29.
    Antonsson, Jenny
    et al.
    Falu kommun.
    Kaufmann, Bruno
    Falu kommun.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Parkhouse, Anna
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Falu dialogguide: En vägledning till medborgardialog2017Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 30.
    Arnehall, Elias
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Det är bara du som kan stoppa smittspridningen: En WPR-analys av problemrepresentationen i kriskommunikationenunder pågående covid-19 kris.2022Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Kandidat uppsatsen undersöker hur styrning verkställs genom kriskommunikationen i Sveriges tre förvaltningsnivåer. Förvaltningsnivåerna hamnar i fokus efter som tidigare forskning har visat att en lyckad hantering av Sars-cov pandemier är samordningen mellan nationella och regionala en viktig faktor, speciellt samordningen av kriskommunikationen. I hopp om att bemöta en efterfrågan inom svensk kriskommunikationen av att röra sig bort från fallstudier, ämnar studien ge ny forskning på oprövad empiri. Bacchis WPS-ansats som analysmetod ger möjligheten att undersöka problemrepresentationen i de olika förvaltningsnivåernas kriskommunikation. Resultatet är att problemrepresentationen handlar till stor del om att stoppa eller minska smittspridningen. Individers rörelsemönster och ett bristande ansvar är vad som fortsätter driva på pandemin, enligt problemrepresentationen. Däremot hittas det inga större skillnader problemrepresentationen mellan de olika förvaltningsnivåerna – något som pekats ut som problematiskt i utvärderingar av tidigare pandemiers krishantering.

  • 31.
    Asp, August
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Från öppna hjärtan till stängda gränser: En fallstudie om drivkrafterna bakom Moderaternas förändrade migrationspolitik2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The past decade has been a relatively tumultuous time in Swedish parliamentary politics with minority governments, a new party challenging the status quo and ultimately the breaking of the second largest coalition in Swedish politics. The decade also saw some policy changes in parties, most strikingly the Moderate party which once an outspoken proponent of a lax immigration policy, saw a clear shift to a more restrictive policy after the 2015 refugee crisis. The first aim of this study is to explain what the shift in immigration policy looks like in terms of whether it was a positional change or a change in ideological emphasis too. By using the method of comparing manifestos the conclusion was reached that the Moderate party shifted both their positional policy and their ideological emphasis. The question of what drives political parties to change policy is a hotly debated one with a wide array of theories and perspectives contributing to the discussion. In addition this study also attempts to apply the theory first proposed by Harmel and Janda (1994) “An Integrated Theory of Party Goals and Party change” on the Moderate party to explain the driving force behind the shift in immigration policy. This was done by comparing Moderate party manifestos from the year 2006 to 2018 in three issues (immigration, private actors in the education sector and private actors in the healthcare sector) that saw the public opinion clearly shift away from the party. Mostly through the process of elimination the study concludes that the Moderate party likely shifted their position on immigration issues in order to have better chances of forming more advantageous coalitions in order to change their opposition status in the future.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
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  • 32.
    Avenäs, Johanna
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Varför en sydsvensk regionbildning: finns svaret i Ansvarskommitténs utredning?2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Den sydsvenska regionbildningen är en förening som tillsammans står bakom en avsiktsförklaring för att slå samman Blekinge, Kalmar, Kronoberg och Skåne till en region med eget utvecklingsansvar. Förslag på att Sverige borde införa regioner med eget utvecklingsansvar lade den statliga utredningen, kallad Ansvarskommittén, fram efter att utförligt undersökt hur Sveriges samhällsorganisation kan förbättras. Efter Ansvarskommittén lade fram sitt förslag diskuterades det kring regionbildningar runt om i Sverige, men dessa diskussioner har en efter en lagts ner, förutom den sydsvenska regionbildningen och denna uppsats vill försöka ta reda på varför. Syftet med denna uppsats utgår ifrån att ta reda på om argumentationen för att bilda region som presenteras i Ansvarskommitténs utredning är drivkraften bakom den sydsvenska regionbildningen. För att ha underlag för att besvara detta syfte utgick jag från följande frågeställning Vilka huvudargument lade Ansvarskommittén i sin utredning fram för regionalisering i Sverige?, Vilka likheter och skillnader finns det i huvudargumenten för regionalisering från Ansvarskommittén i förhållande till den sydsvenska regionbildningens sätt att resonera kring en regionalisering? och Mot bakgrund av forskningslitteratur om regionalism, nyregionalism och regionalisering, i vilken utsträckning kan dessa begrepp kopplas samman med Ansvarskommitténs utredning? För att besvara syftet utgick jag från Ansvarskommitténs utredningsdokument och dokument från den sydsvenska regionbildningen. Genom kvalitativ textanalys i form av idéanalys och argumentationsanalys kom jag fram till att det verkar som att den sydsvenska regionbildningen har sin drivkraft i Ansvarskommitténs argumentation.

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  • 33.
    Ayan, Efecan
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Gezi Park: A case study about the lifecycle of the Gezi Park movement2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The protests at Gezi Park began when a group of environmentalists reacted to the destruction of one of the last green areas in Taksim by peacefully occupying the Park. The AKP government wanted to build a shopping mall where Gezi park was. The defiance of the environmentalist received excessive police brutality. In short what began as an environmentalists occupation of the park turned into a massive country-wide movement against the government. This result in the excessive use of violence by the police and the aggressive rhetoric used by the prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, towards the protesters. This thesis aims to answer the following question: why the Gezi Park movement was unable, despite accomplishing the first two stages of social movement development, “emergence” and “coalescence”, to complete the third stage of “bureaucratization”. In order to be able to answer this question a deeper look at the nature of the Gezi Park protests will be done and most importantly who was there and their ideological similarities and differences.

  • 34.
    Balborg, Rasoul
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    The role of the United States of America and the United Kingdom in the overthrowing of Mohammad Mossadeghs Government in Iran, 1953: A study of an intervention2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to verify which factors contributed to the democratically elected Government losing political power in Iran in 1953 under the leadership of Mohammad Mossadegh. The study answers why Mohammad Mossadegh was not able to mobilize the people of Iran against the coup and how the coup could be carried out despite his support from the people. The last part of the study examines what kind of relationship the Iranian army had to the US and the UK and why they opposed Mohammad Mossadegh, isolated his Government and took part in the coup. The study uses two theories. Its theories are flowing: The first theory is The Rational Actor Model and the second theory is The Organizational Behaviour Model which has been written by Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow. Analysis units for this case study are UK and the USA and their motives and opinions.

    In 1953 Harry Truman left the President post and was replaced by Dwight David Eisenhower. British agents convinced the new Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles and his brother Allen Dulles, that Mossadegh led Iran to Communism. Dwight Eisenhower and Winston Churchill became the coup's main sponsors. There were some random events that made the coup possible. On 16 August 1953 orders came from the US and UK that the coup should be cancelled and local actors also agreed with this. Three days later, on August 19 of 1953 the coup became possible when the National Police Commissioner General Mohammad Daftary allied with the coup supporters. Local actors in Iran under the leadership of General Mohammad Daftary who became police chief after the first coup attempt at 16 of August 1953 played an important role in the overthrowing of Mohammad Mossadeghs Government. That kind of event was a desired support for the US and UK’s Foreign Policy at that time. Both countries used this in the best way by giving money to the coup supporters in Iran. The coup in Iran becomes the beginning of a chain of similar covert operations conducted by the US and its allies around the world during the Cold War period up to the breakdown of the Soviet Union, 1991.

    The coup was planned by the CIA as well as the SIS, and the final green signal was provided by both Governments of the USA and UK. Thus the coup was not a hasty decision taken by the lower levels of the bureaucracy. This was covered by high ranking administrative officials, including President Dwight David Eisenhower and Prime Minister Winston Churchill and their local agents. This study shows how post war USA and UK could not tolerate to see free leaders grow who wanted to work for their own national interests. Mohammad Mossadegh who had a character for loyalty and service to the Iranian people could definitely not be tolerated under such a state of affairs. The new world order required independent states which needed to make their position clear if they were to join the Soviet pact or whether wishing to join themselves with the western world. Mohammad Mossadegh and Iran was one of the Middle Eastern states that became a part of the Cold War politics and economic interests between the USA, UK and the Soviet Union. This type of problem is about the US and the UK financial interests in the oil industry and that there was also an international cold war conflict between the USA and the Soviet Union.

  • 35.
    Bauer, Emil
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Viktor Orbáns tal i Băile Tuşnad: Populistisk retorik och synen på den liberala demokratin2023Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Victor Orbán is a leader figuring in the western media a lot after he took over as the primeminister of Hungary in 2010. An era of a different Hungary is going to take place and after the prime ministers second victory in 2014 Victor Orbán is stronger than ever before. For many people in the west it might seem strange that a prime minister bringing up non-liberal values is so popular. Therefore it would be interesting to understand how he is attracting the Hungarian population with his rethoric. This paper will present to you a speech analysis of Victor Orbáns speech in the Romanian town of Băile Tușnad. An introduction will be presented in the beginning, containing some historical background but also some information about Hungary today. Further the purpose of the study and the main questions will be presented. Theories for this study will focus around the term populism and illiberal democracy. For the analysis of the speech a descriptive idea-analysis will be used to understand how the theories are talked about. The results of the analysis will be brought up in a discussion and lead to a conclusion where the questions in the beginning will be answered. 

  • 36.
    Bayram Özdemir, Sevgi
    et al.
    Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete Örebro universitet.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Özdemir, Metin
    Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete Örebro universitet .
    Hur kan lärare främja positiva interetniska relationer i skolan? Förutsättningar, strategier och utmaningar2021Inngår i: Ungas uppväxtvillkor och integration / [ed] Thalberg, S., Asplund A., & Silberstein, D, Stockholm: Delegationen för migrationsstudier (Delmi) , 2021, s. 137-164Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
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  • 37.
    Bell, John
    et al.
    Institute for Conflict Research, Belfast.
    Hansson, Ulf
    Institute for Conflict Research, Belfast.
    McCaffery, Nick
    Institute for Conflict Research, Belfast.
    The Troubles Aren't History Yet: Young People’s Understanding of the Past2010Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
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  • 38.
    Benedetti, Alexa Leigh
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Dominionist Policy Goals2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    I argue that, while no major politician is openly acknowledging affiliation with or adoption of Dominionist political beliefs, that these beliefs are influencing the tenor of the Republican party and that the influence of these beliefs is reflected in many of the policies and platforms of prominent members. Further, there are Dominionist adjacent organizations actively driving the Overton window and the public policy agenda towards a more Domionist centered political arena. Specifically, this paper examines the 1776 Report as a reflection of Dominionist themes and the culmination of efforts by the Congressional Prayer Caucus Foundation and its Project Blitz to bring Dominionist Christian viewpoints into the public discourse. Thus, this paper argues that the Dominionstis mindset has successfully reached the highest levels of power in the US government.

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  • 39.
    Bengtsson, Martin
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    “Strategic corruption exposure” - statecraft in the making?: An exploratory case-study of geopolitically motivated anti-corruption measures and their conceptual consequences2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The individualized exposure by Western governments of hundreds of members of the Russian elite as members of a politically corrupt collective is just a small part of the larger package of sanctions launched over the attack on Ukraine. Still, aggressively and efficiently implemented those measures can be seen as a qualitatively and conceptually new phenomenon that deserves to be investigated and analysed in its own right. Using a single-case study approach, this study explores the hypothetical concept of “strategic corruption exposure” on the assumption it could evolve into a new tool in the Western geopolitical toolbox. The potential political impact of such aconcept is also analysed. In addition, the consequences for established conceptual models of anti-corruption if national security interests and geopolitics shape anti-corruption efforts are also analysed, based on the so-called “sandwich model”. The main ambition is to contribute by way of concept formation, by also to provide some conceptual food for thought as regards established models for understanding anti-corruption. The main findings of the study support the hypothesis that a qualitatively and conceptually new strategic or geopolitical tool of individualized corruption exposure is indeed being launched at the Russian elite. Analysis of available data also suggest that, under the right circumstances, corruption exposure could be a powerful tool to pressure autocratic regimes by invoking the threat of political delegitimization. At the same time, even if strategic corruption exposure appears to be a new conceptual reality, the concept is still under development, making it far from certain that it will develop into a permanent strategy or statecraft in the strategic toolbox of the Western world. Finally, a conceptual discussion on the relevance of so-called sandwich model suggest that in a new context dominated by geopolitics and strategic interests, established anti-corruption models will be less relevant.

  • 40. Berg, M.
    et al.
    De Majo, Veronica
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap. Örebro universitet.
    Understanding the Global Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction2017Inngår i: Risk, Hazards & Crisis in Public Policy, ISSN 1944-4079, E-ISSN 1944-4079, Vol. 8, nr 2, s. 147-167Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Disasters are a growing international concern that has spurred the development of political strategies and policies from international to local levels. This paper analyzes how disasters are constructed as a policy problem within the UN global strategy for disaster risk reduction. Building on a social constructivist view of policy problems, we analyze how disasters and disaster risks are being represented through these global policies, while we also pay attention to what this representation excludes and de-emphasizes. We show that the UN strategy is mostly concerned with adjusting or adapting societies to hazards, and managing risks, rather than addressing the social processes that render people vulnerable to those hazards. The predominant concern with technological and managerial solutions eclipses the need for changes in the social structures that create disaster risks. We argue that the understanding of disasters represented in the UN strategy supports an emerging holistic paradigm. However, we also argue that the holism it represents is limited rather than radical. By making visible what is excluded or not properly problematized in this representation, we point to the complexity of the task and show where its limitations lie.

  • 41.
    Berglund, Catarina
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Development and Determinants of Political Trust in Egypt and Tunisia: A comparative study2023Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The political uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 created a new political order in the region. This research is aimed at examining how political trust has developed from 2011- 2022 in Tunisia and Egypt. It also aims to understand which variables affect political trust and whether the two countries differ. The purpose of this study is to contribute to the field by using the most recent data up until 2022. The research has been conducted with a comparative quantitative method, using Arab Barometer survey data. The results of the study results align with previous scholars’ results, the political trust declined in both countries after the Arab Spring but the most recent results from Tunisia show that the trust is slightly recovering. The results also indicate that the institutional theories of political trust are the more relevant theories when it comes to explaining political trust in the studied countries.

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  • 42.
    Bergman, Anna
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Moderaterna och välfärdsstaten: En studie av Moderaternas ideologiska utveckling och syn på socialförsäkringarna under tidsperioden 1991 till 20202021Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    After Moderaterna’s election success in 2006 and 2010 together with the Alliansen coalition, the 2014 election was a defeat and Moderaterna lost government power. Post-election analyzes show that a large part of Moderaterna’s voters went instead to Sverigedemokraterna. One of the central election issues among Sverigedemokraterna’s voters is welfare and therefore this presents as an critical area of study: Moderaterna’s view of welfare, with specific focus on social insurance.The purpose of the thesis is to study whether there has been a change in Moderaterna’s ideological position during the period 1991 - 2020 and whether there has been any change in Moderaterna’s view of welfare during the same period. The material consists of party programs and budgets and using an idea analysis method. To analyze the ideologies, I will use ideal types and welfare will be examined using scale-based dimensions.From the analysis, it can be seen that there has been a temporary shift in ideological values towards a more neoliberal approach. However, in social insurance there has not been the same change and Moderaterna have maintained low compensation levels to protect the line of work which is completely in line with a neoliberal policy.

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  • 43.
    Bergman, Saga
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    "Vissa tycker att man leker, vi tycker inte det": Uddevalla ungdomsfullmäktiges chanser till verkligt inflytande.2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Studien berör Uddevalla kommuns arbete med ungdomsfullmäktige. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att det är viktigt att ungdomar har möjlighet till mer inflytande än de har i dag. Uppsatsen bygger på sex stycken kvalitativa intervjuer. Syftet med studien är att identifiera och tolka vilka möjligheter ungdomsfullmäktige i Uddevalla har i dag till inflytande över kommunalpolitiken. Studien innehåller också en analys över hur berörda tjänstemän, politiker och ungdomar tror man kan öka ungdomsfullmäktiges möjligheter till inflytande. Resultatet av undersökningen är att Uddevallas ungdomsfullmäktige inte ger ungdomar möjligheter till verkligt inflytande över den kommunala politiken. Detta då valen till ungdomsfullmäktige och ungdomsfullmäktiges mötesform är bristfälliga. Det finns heller inga garantier att makthavarna låter sig påverkas av ungdomsfullmäktiges beslut. Övriga resultat i studien pekar på att när ett ungdomsfullmäktige har en egen budget så ökar deras chanser till inflytande. Samt att det är viktigt att kommunens övergripande mål med ungdomsfullmäktige är att ungdomarna ska få mer inflytande i politiken om ungdomarnas chanser till inflytande ska öka. Studiens resultat tyder även på att chanserna för att ungdomsfullmäktige ska ha inflytande ökar om de har en egen ung tjänsteman.

  • 44.
    Bernardi, Beatrice
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Doubly absent, triply excluded: the flooded stories of African migrants from Bologna prison2022Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis fosters the deconstruction of stereotypes that ascribe deviant or criminal personological attributes to African immigrants in Italy, labeling them as dangerous subjects to be rejected. Therefore, the objective of the thesis is to deconstruct the stereotypical figure of the immigrant-criminal by exploring the stories of Northern and Western African immigrants from the Bologna prison in order to understand how they perceive themselves in relation to their migratory and detention experiences. The work aims to expand anthropological and sociological research concerning the lived experiences of migrants moving from North and West Africa to Italy, the reasons why they choose the illegal path, and the self-perception and representation of their identity. As it turns out,besides revealing the shortcomings of the Italian reception system and its systemic racism, the stories of African prisoners offer an alternative narrative of their identities far from the totalizing and discriminatory stereotype that identifies them only as immigrants and/or criminals.

  • 45.
    Bjernevi, Maria
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Political Parties as Actors in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: A Comparative Case Study of Islamist Parties in Egypt and Tunisia after the 2011 Arab Spring Revolutions2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Different actors are important during transition from authoritarian rule and democratization, e.g. state institutions, political parties, non-governmental organizations, trade unions, the business sector, and the media. This comparative study looks at the leading political parties in Egypt and Tunisia, the Freedom and Justice Party and the Ennahda Party, and their role during the transitions that started with the 2011 Arab spring revolutions. These parties have certain common features as they are Islamist in their origin and orientation. Focus here is on the roles that they played in central processes during the transition, such as e.g. elections and constitution writing. Whereas Tunisia after the 2011 revolution continued on the road towards democracy, Egypt experienced a second revolution, or rather a coup d´état, which sent the country back to authoritarian rule. In 2016, Tunisia was declared by Freedom House to be the first "Free" (democratic) Arab state since Lebanon lost that status with the outbreak of the civil war in 1975. Egypt, meanwhile, is assessed as being more authoritarian and less free than it was during the Mubarak regime prior to 2011. The purpose of this study is to examine if – and if so, how – the actions and behavior of these political parties and their leaders contributed to the different outcomes of these transitions.

  • 46.
    Bjällfalk, Emelie
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Building Stress- Resilience among Swedish Humanitarian Aid Workers: - The Pre- Deployment Preparation from the Humanitarian Aid Workers’ Perspective2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the study is to examine how well MSB (Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency) prepare the Swedish humanitarian aid workers to face stressful situations, looking at the pre- deployment preparation received. The study investigates how effective and relevant the pre- deployment preparation is in terms of building resilience against stress, according to the humanitarian aid workers’ experience.

    This study has been conducted with a quantitative online survey, combined with a qualitative open- ended survey. The surveys were based on research models on work-related stress and on resilience- building among humanitarian aid workers. The frameworks point out criteria needed to be fulfilled by an organization in order to build sufficient stress- resilience among humanitarian aid workers in the pre- deployment phase.

    The results reveal that MSB is able to fulfill most of the criteria set in accordance with the theoretical framework. The one and only criterion MSB fails in providing is an open, in- depth discussion about mental health before the aid worker is deployed. This also corresponds to the aid workers experience of not being provided with this. The aid workers’ experience reveals that resilience against stress is important, however, many seem to build resilience independently from MSB.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 47.
    Björk, Lovisa
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Implementering av Agenda 2030 i mindre kommuners hållbarhetsarbete2020Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    FN-direktivet Agenda 2030 ska avskaffa extrem fattigdom, minska ojämlikheter och orättvisor i världen, främja fred och rättvisa och lösa klimatkrisen. Sverige har som mål att vara ledande i implementeringen av agendan och för att lyckas uppnå det målet krävs ett samarbete mellan den nationella, regionala och lokala nivån. Tidigare forskning visar på att Sveriges kommuner har ett intresse av att implementera beslut som regeringen har beslutat om (Forsberg 2002), samtidigt som Statskontorets delårsrapport (2019) visar att mindre kommuner, med en befolkning under 30.000 invånare, i mindre utsträckning har implementerat Agenda 2030.

    Uppsatsen har därför till syfte att undersöka mindre kommuners förutsättningar och utmaningar för att implementera Agenda 2030 i deras hållbarhetsarbete. Genom att utföra kvalitativa, halvstrukturerade informantintervjuer med tjänstemän i mindre kommuner, med utgångspunkt i Lennart Lundquists (1992) implementeringsteori och dess egenskaper förstår, kan och vill, kan jag identifiera de förutsättningar och utmaningar som kommunerna har.

    Sammanfattningsvis visar empirin med grund i teorin att förutsättningar och utmaningar i implementeringen av Agenda 2030 varierar mellan kommunerna som deltog i studien. Ett mönster som däremot har visat sig är att kommunerna som tagit ett politiskt beslut om att använda Agenda 2030 har bättre förutsättningar för att lyckas med implementeringen, jämfört med de kommuner som inte har tagit ett beslut. Utmaningarna med implementeringen är många, men framförallt är det resurser i form av kunskap, budget och personal det brister i. Vill är den egenskap som alla kommuner uttrycker att dem har, men att vilja implementera Agenda 2030 räcker inte, vilket indikerar på att vilja endast är nödvändigt om förstår och kan är uppfyllt.

  • 48.
    Björkvall, A.
    et al.
    Örebro universitet.
    Nyström Höög, Catharina
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Humaniora och medier, Svenska språket.
    Legitimation of value practices, value texts, and core values at public authorities2019Inngår i: Discourse & Communication, ISSN 1750-4813, E-ISSN 1750-4821, Vol. 13, nr 4, s. 398-414Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    A large number of Swedish public authorities produce 'platform of values' texts that present core values. This article presents a study of how such texts and practices, including the core values they revolve around, are legitimized. Using Van Leeuwen's legitimation framework, three different data sets are analysed: 47 'platform of values' texts, a focus group discussion with seven senior HR officers, and a quantitative questionnaire study answered by civil servants at three public authorities. The analysis shows how the existence of 'platform of values' texts and practices is legitimized through rationalizations, above all by describing the texts as concrete means for reaching specific ends and, with regard to the choice of core values, through a custom-conformity type of authority. Thus, this article addresses discursive transformations of contemporary organizations with a particular focus on available discursive space for critical thinking in the wake of New Public Management and related developments.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 49.
    Blanco, Paloma
    Högskolan Dalarna, Institutionen för kultur och samhälle.
    Det sociala upproret i Chile: – en studie om social konflikt och demokratisering2021Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Chile is one of Latin Americas best performing countries. For several years, the country hasbeen described as a role model for the region, representing a free democracy and a stableeconomy. That´s why many were surprised when, during 18th of October 2019, a massivemobilization for social justice sparked off in Chile, the biggest popular manifestation since thereturn to democracy in the early 90’s.By analysing the social unrest in Chile through theories on contentious politics anddemocratization this study answers the question: Why did the social uprising in Chile emerge?This is done by describing the contentious episode through Contentious Politics maincomponents – contention, politics and collective action.The outcome of the analysis shows that there are two main factors that provoked the socialuprising: the first factor is social inequality, based on an unequal distribution of resources andan unequal access to society; the second factor is the unfulfilled transition to democracy,which also implies the neoliberal system that came with the Pinochet era. These factors haveseparately, but also intertwined, created a sense of impotence and frustration, that led to thecontentious episode.Through a combination of different methods of mobilization, the social uprising has movedChile one step further towards democratization by revitalizing discussions on democracy andquality of democracy, and to various economic and political reforms, not least the referendumon a new constitution.

  • 50.
    Blom, Michaela
    Högskolan Dalarna, Akademin Utbildning, hälsa och samhälle, Statsvetenskap.
    Socialdemokraterna och FRA-frågan: En analys om politiskt spel2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    FRA-lagen har varit omdiskuterad och kritiserad. Ett parti som stått på båda sidor

    av diskussionen har varit Socialdemokraterna. Syftet med denna uppsats har

    främst varit att analysera motiven bakom Socialdemokraternas vändning i frågan.

    Metoden för undersökningen har varit en deskriptiv fallstudie med Rational choiceperspektiv

    och idéanalys som analysverktyg. Metoden gav mig tillförlitliga resultat.

    Ett resultat av studien visade bland annat att Socialdemokraterna handlat

    rationellt i hopp om att återfå ett större väljarstöd.

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