Decades of social science stress the vital role of trust in a robust democracy, and scholars have explored the origins of trust, highlighting the dynamic interaction between institutional trust and generalised social trust. While the literature exhibits uncertainties regarding the causal direction between these various forms of trust, it generally suggests that trust in institutions spills over to trust in people in general. This article examines a neglected aspect of trust studies – the relationship between local institutional trust and community trust. Drawing on a two-wave panel study from Sweden, the results indicate bidirectional relationships between the two forms of trust over time. In so doing, this study contributes to the prior research by showing that in a local context, where daily interactions take place between community members and representatives of local institutions, the relationship between trust in neighbours and trust in local institutions appears to be more complex and interdependent.
Valdeltagandet är högt bland unga och följer ganska väl befolkningen i stort. Det finns dock en oroväckande klyfta i samhället, alla unga upplever inte att de har lika möjligheter att göra sin röst hörd. Unga med sämre socioekonomiska förutsättningar deltar i lägre utsträckning i val. Under samtal med unga träder också en allvarlig bild fram av att unga inte upplever att samhället finns till för dem eller att politiska företrädare inte lyssnar. De känner sig inte inkluderade.
Den här rapporten visar att det spelar roll var unga växer upp och bor. Ungas socioekonomiska förutsättningar är tätt sammankopplade med valdeltagande. Det finns betydande skillnader i valdeltagande mellan olika områden i kommunerna i hela landet. Det visar att skillnader i social jämlikhet riskerar att leda till politisk ojämlikhet. De geografiska skillnaderna i valdeltagande pekar på att det finns behov av insatser som utjämnar skillnader i uppväxt- och levnadsvillkor. Alla unga ska ges likvärdiga förutsättningar, det ska inte spela någon roll var de bor.
This study examines the relationship between citizens' satisfaction with government COVID-19 communication and management (SWCCM) and institutional trust. By employing a longitudinal approach, using three-wave panel data from Sweden from 2020 to 2022, the study addresses the current lack of research on the interplay between SWCCM and institutional trust across different stages of a societal crisis like the COVID-19 pandemic. The results show that SWCCM increased slightly over the pandemic period, while trust in institutions slightly decreased. The study also finds that changes in SWCCM predict changes in trust in institutions, suggesting that increased satisfaction with communication and management is associated with increased trust in institutions. Additionally, we find that higher initial levels of SWCCM contribute to a faster decline in trust over time. However, no evidence supports the idea that initial trust in institutions predicts changes in SWCCM. This suggests a unidirectional relationship where SWCCM is a key driver of institutional trust during a crisis. Overall, the study uncovers intriguing dynamics in the relationship between SWCCM and trust over time, and it emphasizes the significance of effective and consistent communication and management in maintaining and boosting public trust during crisis.
Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera och diskutera USA:s roll som extern aktör i förhållande till demokratiutveckling i Brasilien (1960–1985) och i Chile (1975–1990). De frågeställningar som uppsatsen vilar på lyder: ”Vilken roll spelade USA som extern aktör på demokratiutvecklingen i Brasilien (1960–1985) och i Chile (1975–1990) under militärdiktaturerna?”; ”Vilka metoder använde USA sig av för att uppnå sina mål?” samt ”Vilka motiv låg bakom USA:s agerande i Brasilien och i Chile under militärdiktaturerna?” För att analysera detta använder jag mig av olika teorier kring demokratiseringsprocesser samt teorier som tar fäste på aktörsperspektivet, d.v.s. hur vissa länder och/eller organisationer och företag agerar för att främja sina intressen och styra andra länder som ofta befinner sig i en underordnad position. Just för att djupare studera USA:s agerande under militärdiktaturerna och de olika förhållningssätt som USA intog gentemot Latinamerika under den valda tidsperioden används de två teorierna liberalism och realism. Det resultat som kan utläsas av analysen är att USA spelade en avgörande roll i det att man under en period motarbetade demokratiutvecklingen i Brasilien och i Chile genom diverse påverkanskampanjer, ekonomiskt stöd till militärregimen, och även direkt involvering så som exempelvis i militärkuppen i Chile. USA:s aktioner under 60- och 70-talet i Brasilien och i Chile var ett mönster i en lång tradition av nordamerikanska involvering i Latinamerika ända sedan Monroedoktrinen. Emellertid antog USA en annan attityd under delar av 80-talet då stödet till diktaturerna omvärderades och man istället arbetade för att skapa en neoliberal världsordning och införa en ny form av demokrati i Brasilien och i Chile. Den amerikanska administrationens uttalade motiv under kalla kriget att hindra kommunismens spridning, kan primärt tolkas som en förevändning då det egentliga motivet var att utöka och befästa egna ekonomiska intressen.
Kandidat uppsatsen undersöker hur styrning verkställs genom kriskommunikationen i Sveriges tre förvaltningsnivåer. Förvaltningsnivåerna hamnar i fokus efter som tidigare forskning har visat att en lyckad hantering av Sars-cov pandemier är samordningen mellan nationella och regionala en viktig faktor, speciellt samordningen av kriskommunikationen. I hopp om att bemöta en efterfrågan inom svensk kriskommunikationen av att röra sig bort från fallstudier, ämnar studien ge ny forskning på oprövad empiri. Bacchis WPS-ansats som analysmetod ger möjligheten att undersöka problemrepresentationen i de olika förvaltningsnivåernas kriskommunikation. Resultatet är att problemrepresentationen handlar till stor del om att stoppa eller minska smittspridningen. Individers rörelsemönster och ett bristande ansvar är vad som fortsätter driva på pandemin, enligt problemrepresentationen. Däremot hittas det inga större skillnader problemrepresentationen mellan de olika förvaltningsnivåerna – något som pekats ut som problematiskt i utvärderingar av tidigare pandemiers krishantering.
The political uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 created a new political order in the region. This research is aimed at examining how political trust has developed from 2011- 2022 in Tunisia and Egypt. It also aims to understand which variables affect political trust and whether the two countries differ. The purpose of this study is to contribute to the field by using the most recent data up until 2022. The research has been conducted with a comparative quantitative method, using Arab Barometer survey data. The results of the study results align with previous scholars’ results, the political trust declined in both countries after the Arab Spring but the most recent results from Tunisia show that the trust is slightly recovering. The results also indicate that the institutional theories of political trust are the more relevant theories when it comes to explaining political trust in the studied countries.
Being able to balance work and family life is not only a personal question but a highly political one. The policy is used today and has historically been used as a political tool for achieving higher levels of gender equality. The parental insurance policy in Sweden is often atopic of debate, especially regarding the reserved months and whether to fully individualise the insurance. The purpose of the thesis was to analyse the goals of today’s design of the parental insurance, evaluate to what extent these goals are reached. The thesis also aimed to examine the debate about whether an individualized parental insurance would be a beneficial tool for achieving the political goals of parental insurance. By examining government documents on parental insurance, the results of the study will be discussed in relation to theories of feminist perspectives, New Public Management, goal and result management and welfare state theory. The empirical material consisting of various government publications, motions and debate articles was analysed with an evaluation method and argumentation analysis method. The result of this study showed that there are three main goals of the parental insurance none of which are fully met. The argumentation analysis showed three pro-arguments and 3 contra-arguments. The pro-arguments were deemed as being more scientifically based.
The aim of this report is to explain the effect and the outcome of the Swedish-Finnish military cooperation and propose political courses of action to improve its deterrent qualities. It gives an extensive background on the defense policies in Sweden and Finland after the breakdown of the Soviet Union and the Treaty of Warsaw with a focus on the two countries reactions to Russian aggression in Georgia and the Ukraine. The report establishes that the cooperation is in fact a military alliance and analyzes the cooperation from a realistic perspective with elements based on social constructivism. Official documents, laws and legal documents are examined and an interview with a senior ranking Swedish military officer is made to provide the necessary factual base and input for the analysis. The analysis is performed with a view to both a short term and a long-term perspective. This report concludes that there is need for a binding treaty between the two countries concerning military assistance in case of an armed conflict with Russia. That there is urgent need especially for Sweden to increase defense spending. But also, that a military alliance between the two countries is a rational and politically sound idea. The cooperation should focus on mutual defense plans to increase military effectiveness, economic efficiency, and political resolve in the alliance.
Although national disaster risk reduction policies in Argentina are still incipient and fragmented, the city of Santa Fe managed to adopt flood-risk management strategies after a major flooding in 2007. This involved a shift from reactive measures to a proactive policy approach to manage one of the city's main problems. Employing insights from institutional theory, this paper explores and elaborates on the institutional conditions that enabled policy change in Santa Fe. A qualitative case-study design is used, and the analysis builds on previous empirical studies of Santa Fe, policy documents and in-depth interviews. Three institutional conditions were identified as fundamental contributors to policy change: place identity, policy publics, and practical authority. These conditions were used and developed by the new administration elected after the flooding. This paper argues that the new administration took advantage of the ‘legitimacy vacuum’ of the old administration, following from its passivity and reactive handling of the flooding. The new administration mobilized and strengthened pre-existing institutional conditions, and reconfigured power relations through its practical authority. Instead of a partisan strategy, the new administration expanded agency in terms of a community-based approach (collective action), expert knowledge, and problem-solving skills, which underscores the importance of informal institutions to complement and reinforce formal ones. This article provides lessons for local communities with similar conditions as the city of Santa Fe, showing that local actors can develop proactive disaster risk reduction also in unfavourable national contexts.
In response to global concerns about the decline of democracy highlighted by reports from Bertelsmann Stiftung, Varieties of Democracy and Freedom House, this thesis synthesizes existing literature via a narrative review to develop a democratic resilience scorecard. This questionnaire assesses dimensions such as electoral integrity, accountability mechanisms, and civil liberties protection. Democratic resilience is understood through a dual conception of democracy as both electoral and liberal. This includes free and fair elections, civil liberties, and rule of law. Accountability mechanisms (vertical, horizontal, and diagonal) are crucial in maintaining checks and balances. Civil society and political pluralism are essential in preventing dominance by a single ideology, enhancing democratic health. Public trust and satisfaction with democratic processes are vital for stability, with high trust levels bolstering governance legitimacy. Finally, the capacity of democracies to respond to crises while upholding democratic principles can be a resilience indicator. The thesis findings aim to provide a framework for future assessments and policy recommendations to strengthen democratic resilience.
The agency and capability of diasporans in impacting political and socioeconomic development in the homeland is gaining more and more currency over the years. Their involvement in homeland conflicts and transitional justice processes is also attracting attention. However, while the literature on transitional justice is burgeoning, there is less systematic research on the role of diasporans as critical agents in transitional justice processes in the homeland in the aftermath of authoritarian regimes in Africa, as compared to periods after bloody civil wars and conflicts. In bitterly divided countries in Africa such as Sierra Leone, Liberia,Kenya, Rwanda, South Africa, transitional justice mechanisms such as truth and reconciliation commissions and tribunals were adopted to address the justice and reconciliation needs of citizens after years of bloody civil war or conflict. This research intends to fill this gap and add to existing knowledge about Gambian diaspora role and potential in the democratic transition in the country from 2017-2022, and how they have engaged with civil society organisations to move the process. Using a qualitative methodology; in-depth interviews, the thesis asks wha trole the Gambian diaspora play in the transitional justice process in the country the past five years to enhance democratic transition. To conduct the analysis, the thesis draws on the social movement, transitional justice, conflict resolution and peacebuilding literature to show that Gambian diaspora’s strong bonds, ties and attachment to the homeland influence their interest to engage and participate in the transitional justice process in the homeland.
Drawing on public opinion surveys conducted in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the summer of 2021, the aim of this paper is twofold: first, to examine levels of public satisfaction with the authorities in handling the Coronavirus Pandemic and, second, to explore attitudes towards COVID-19 vaccination. One working assumption is that satisfaction with the handling of the pandemic corresponds with general political satisfaction, including political trust, satisfaction with democracy, and more. Attitudes towards vaccination are likely to be influenced by the same factors, but nevertheless involve a more complex cocktail of factors, such as ethnic majority/minority status, personal beliefs, degree and type of social networks, age, education, degree of information and knowledge, degree and type of media use, risk aversion, sense of collective responsibility, accessibility of vaccination, and more.
The Baltic presidents have in common that they are supposed to embody the ‘nation’ and to provide an image of their countries abroad. But can the president embody the people if “the people” itself is divided? In this paper, we will focus on public trust in the presidency between the majority and minority population in the Baltic states. Drawing on public opinion surveys, the aim is to examine the determinants of public trust in the presidential institution and support for the performance and principles of the political system as well identification with the political community itself. Among our findings, we conclude that ethnic or linguistic identity explains trust to a considerable degree, which suggests that trust is not only an expression of specific political support but also part of a more deep-seated, diffuse support.
Varför utvecklas vissa länder men inte andra till väl fungerande demokratier? Är det ekonomisk utveckling, en viss uppsättning institutioner, en gynnsam medborgarkultur, civilsamhället, stödjande internationella förutsättningar eller samarbetande politiska eliter som avgör? Kan alla länder i världen bli demokratier, eller är vissa stater dömda att för alltid styras av auktoritära regimer?I denna uppdaterade tredje upplaga av Demokratiseringsprocesserpresenteras och granskas de viktigaste teoretiska och empiriska bidragen inom forskningen om demokratiseringsprocesser. Författarna introducerar centrala begrepp som demokrati, modernisering, transition, konsolidering och diffusion, samt visar hur forskningen har utvecklats från den tidiga efterkrigstiden fram till idag. Även demokratins tillbakagång och olika varianter av samtida auktoritära styrelseskick diskuteras. Boken inleds med ett förord av professor Li Bennich-Björkman.Demokratiseringsprocesser är särskilt lämplig för kurser i statsvetenskap, sociologi, internationella relationer, utvecklingsstudier, Europastudier samt freds- och konfliktforskning.
För att försöka förhindra de negativa förändringar som sker av jordens klimat erfordras ett gemensamt arbete där varenda del av samhället deltar då politiken för miljö, klimat och hållbarhet har en mycket svår uppgift att lösa. Civilsamhällets organisationer är viktiga tjänstgörare i detta arbete och kan föra olika intressenters talan i dessa frågor. Men organisationers politiska påverkan kan vara till last för demokratin om det rubbar på jämlikhetstanken när det gäller påverkan som finns inom en sådan. Syftet med denna studie är att inom politikområdet som rör miljö- och hållbarhet belysa hur civilsamhällesorganisationer av olika slag medverkar i och förhåller sig till remissförfarandet utifrån vad de väljer att ge som svar på en remiss. Avsikten är också att se i vilken utsträckning civilsamhällets organisationer har fått inflytande över politiken genom att de svar de har lämnat lyfts fram iden slutgiltiga propositionen som regeringen tagit fram. Frågeställningar som studien avser att besvara med avseende på området hållbarhet är: På vilket sätt och i vilken omfattning medverkar civilsamhällesorganisationer i remissförfarandet och finns det någon skillnad vad gäller detta mellan olika typer av organisationer inom civilsamhället? Och i vilken mån får olika typer av organisationer inom civilsamhället inflytande i politiken genom att deras svar uppmärksammas i de förslag som regeringen tar fram i form av propositioner som överlämnas till riksdagen? Med hjälp av en innehållsanalys av remissvar som lämnats på två olika betänkanden som skickats ut på remiss från Miljödepartementet analyserades intresseorganisationers medverkan i remissväsendet samt vidare om de omnämnts i propositionerna. Resultaten visade att det fanns skillnader mellan olika typer av organisationer i hur de medverkar inom remissväsendet men detta verkade hänga ihop med vad betänkandena handlar om. Att föra fram egna förslag var vanligt oavsett organisationstyp eller betänkande vilket tolkas som att de använder remissväsendet för att föra fram sina intressen. Det var dock många organisationer som inte nämndes alls i propositionerna medan ett fåtal nämndes flera gånger vilket kan tyda på en viss ojämlikhet och att vissa organisationer har starkare påverkansmöjligheter. Jämlikhetstanken lyfts fram som en viktig grund i miljö- och hållbarhetsarbetet. Dessa resultat kan dock ge tecken på att denna tanke inte har infriats helt åtminstone vad gäller dessa fall.
Identity politics has been a growing phenomenon in the political sphere around the world, predominantly in western liberal democratic states. Its major attribute is the collective tendency of people from particular groups, based on religion, race, gender, ethnicity, socia lbackground etc, to form political alliance, shifting away from the broad-based party politics. Contemporary theories explain the possible outcomes of identity politics, such as undermining freedom of speech and exclusion from political participation. This research aims to study whether two Swedish political parties exert identity politics, and if the effects of this identity politics can undermine liberal democracy in Sweden. The utilized method of this research is a idea analysis, which is textual analytic method used to identify and classify various ideas in political context. The result shows that both parties, in different manner, practice identity politics which has the possibility of eroding liberal components, thus, in that manner, impair liberal democracy.
The purpose of this essay is to determine how the two former prime-minister of Sweden Olof Palme and Stefan Löfven speak of economic equality in their proclamations of government. Furthermore the essay investigates if there has been a shift in socialist ideology between the two prime-ministers from reformist socialism towards the third way. To investigate this the essay analyzed proclamations of government using ideology analysis to find how they spoke of economic equality. Ideal-types were also used to find if parts of their proclamations of government were closer to reformist socialism or third way socialism. In short the essay concluded that both prime-ministers spoke extensively of economic equality, Palme more so than Löfven, furthermore I found that Löfven cloud be considered closer to third way socialism in the area of economic equality. This study is an addition to the field of study on economic equality and the shift towards third way socialism among social democratic parties in Europe.
There is a considerable literature concerning divided societies and the role of education in such societies. In the case of Northern Ireland, education is characterised by a largely separate system of education for its two main communities. There is also a considerably smaller integrated schools sector, where the two communities learn together. A more recent intervention is that of shared education where separate schools are retained but shared classes and other opportunities for sharing are offered. Politically, there has never been extensive support for integrated education, particularly from the two largest parties in the Assembly and power-sharing Executive: The Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin. While not active proponents of integrated education the two parties have embraced shared education and with their own interpretation of its implementation. The introduction of shared education can be seen as a triumph as the two main parties in the coalition have agreed on a policy designed to bridge the gap in education. An alternative view is that shared education is the least-worst option for these two parties but may do little to advance reconciliation.
The aim of this essay is to highlight the political debate regarding surrogacy, more specific:the altruistic surrogacy, in Sweden. During the last three decades the Swedish politics have started to change from its traditional social democratic standpoint to more liberal and marketfriendly position. In neoliberal countries such as the United States, Great Britain and New Zealand, surrogacy has been legalized and recent years different Swedish political parties have asked for a legalization of altruistic surrogacy. The study is a discourse analysis where I use Carol Bacchi’s approach “What’s the problem represented to be?” to see how the Swedish political debate problematize surrogacy. My second aim is to see if there are an yneoliberalistic tendencies in the Swedish political debate. I have done an idea and ideological analysis with ideal type as methodological tool. My findings shows that the problem represented in the political debate are involuntary childlessness and a juridical problem representation. Concepts as free choice and women’s right to their own bodies is used frequently in the debate. Analyzing the Swedish political debate exhibit that it consists with two opposite poles, one for and one against a legalization of altruistic surrogacy. The pole that requests a legalization also shows neoliberal tendencies in their argumentation.
Syftet med detta arbete är att analysera EU:s roll i Kosovos demokratiseringsprocess utifrån den demokratifrämjande modellen samt den polyarkiska modellen. En kvalitativ textanalys tillämpas som metod för att analysera EU:s roll i Kosovos demokratiseringsprocess. Det materialet som används som underlag för empirin kommer främst från EU:s lägesrapporter om Kosovo, där utmaningar, brister och framsteg presenteras i koppling till Kosovos demokratiseringsprocess. Vidare används material från Freedom House som används för att analysera Kosovos utveckling i demokratiseringsprocess. Arbetets slutsats är att EU försökt påverka Kosovo genom politiska- och ekonomiska metoder som är grundade i främst politiska- och ekonomiska intressen.
Syftet med studien var att få kunskap om vilka faktorer som NO-lärare i årskurs 7-9 upplever som viktiga för elevers förståelse vid undervisning kring begreppen oxidation och reduktion. Studien behandlar kemiundervisning utifrån tre olika nivåer, kritiska för förståelsen av ämnet kemi (Den kemiska tripletten) samt att inlärning sker i en social kontext. Studien utgår från ett variationsteoretiskt perspektiv samt det sociokulturella perspektivet. Intervjuer genomfördes med fem olika högstadielärare för att klargöra vilka uppfattningar som finns kring undervisningen av begreppen. Studiens resultat pekade på tre svårigheter i samband med undervisningen av begreppen: svårigheter för eleverna att förstå begreppen genom den submikroskopiska nivån, begreppen kräver omfattande förkunskaper och betydelsen av att koppla kemiska begrepp till vardagen. De slutsatser som framkom handlar om användandet av bra förklaringsmodeller för att kunna uppfatta den submikroskopiska nivån, att använda vardagliga exempel som en viktig faktor samt slutsatser kring betydelsen av strategier för bestämning av förkunskaper och därmed göra förändringar i den egna undervisningspraktiken.
Engagemang är avgörande för en fungerande demokrati, men något man aldrig kan ta för givet. I ett samhälle med ökad polarisering och där traditionella sätta att engagera sig blir alltmer avlägset så är det viktigt att förstå vad som främjar ett demokratiskt engagemang ,framför allt hos unga. Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka om, och i så fall hur, idrottsföreningar fungerar som demokratiskola för unga. Den syftar till en fördjupad förståelse av idrottsföreningars syn på vad ett aktivt deltagande i civilsamhällets föreningsliv gör med ungas medborgerliga engagemang och demokratiska färdigheter. Många forskare har visat på föreningslivets bidrag till demokratin. Det teoretiska ramverket bygger på teorier kring föreningars bidrag till demokrati och begrepp som bland annat demokratiskola och demokratiska kompetenser. Det empiriska materialet har samlats in med hjälp av 10 kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer samt styrdokument från två nationella idrottsförbund har analyserats med kvalitativ ansats. Totalt innefattar empirin åtta lokala idrottsföreningar inom idrotterna gymnastik, friidrott, fotboll och handboll, samt två nationella förbund. I intervjuerna ger respondenterna sin bild av föreningens påverkan på unga, där de beskriver vad föreningslivet bidrar med. Uppsatsens huvudsakliga slutsats visar på att idrottsföreningar kan beskrivas som en skola i demokrati. Men föreningar har delade uppfattningar om ifall de anser att idrottsföreningar kan fungera som demokratiskola eller inte. Grunden till denna ambivalens skulle kunna komma från ett bristande demokratiskt språk inom idrottsrörelsen, eller en ovana att prata om idrottens demokratiska dimension. Detta trots att det utifrå studiens resultat att döma är högst närvarande i verksamheten. Föreningarna själva lyfter de kompetenser man får med sig i form av gemenskap, samarbete, glädje i att arbeta för och uppnå gemensamma mål, lära sig att ta ansvar m.m. Dock benämner de inte detta som demokratiska kompetenser.
Mock elections are an increasingly popular form of active learning, adopted in many European countries and the United States. However, we have limited knowledge regarding the extent to which they enhance students’ civic competence. This article analyzes data from over 9,000 students aged 13-19 who participated in a 2022 mock election in Sweden. The goal is to determine the extent to which mock elections boost civic competence, with an emphasis on potential variations related to gender, ethnic background, and edu-cational stage. Results indicate that such participation positively influences students’ self-reported political knowledge and, to a lesser extent, their political interest, engagement, and efficacy. Yet, the impact varies among student demographics. For instance, foreign- born students reported greater effects than their Swedish-born coun-terparts. Female students displayed heightened political knowledge and interest compared to males, while male students demonstrated higher political engagement. Interestingly, mock elections seemed to enhance political knowledge more in primary school students than in secondary school ones. Conversely, they had a more pronounced impact on the political interests and engagement of secondary school students. The study concludes with suggestions for future research to employ more rigorous methods to assess the influence of mock elections on civic competencies.
Extreme right-wing violence has resulted in an intense academic debate on how democratic actors can respond to movement on the extreme right. This article explores how various types of CSOs perceive their role, interest, and willingness when it comes to counteracting right-wing extremism. Building on a theoretical framework that makes visible a variety of CSO responses and differences between types of CSOs, the results show that CSOs view themselves as having a watchdog role in relation to right-wing extremism. However, CSOs place the principal responsibility of response to right-wing extremism outside organized civil society in the hands of politicians, citizens, and the media. In addition, not all CSOs are willing to respond in the same way or to the same extent. Humanitarian and social service organizations are more inclined to engage in dialogue and protest compared with sports and recreation organizations and culture organizations. The article concludes by discussing the notion that bridging organizations may be more willing to respond to right-wing extremism and to use dialogue and deliberation compared to bonding organizations.
Skolval arrangeras regelbundet på Sveriges gymnasie- och högstadieskolor för att ge elever möjlighet att ta ställning till, och rösta på ett politiskt parti. Syftet är att stärka elevers delaktighet i demokratin till exempel genom att motivera elever att lära sig mer om partier och politik, och att stärka ett aktivt medborgarskap. Men vilken betydelse har deltagande i skolval för elevers delaktighet i demokratin? Den här policy briefen redovisar resultat från en analys av i vilken mån deltagande i skolval bidrar till att främja ungas förutsättningar att delta i demokratin. Policy briefen är skriven av Erik Lundberg, docent i statsvetenskap vid Högskolan Dalarna i samarbete med Hanna Lundin, mastersstudent i internationell och jämförande utbildning vid Stockholms universitet. Resultaten baseras på den utvärdering av Skolval 2022 som har genomförts av Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor (MUCF).
This article seeks to explain variations in presidential activism in semi-presidential countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Africa is one of the continents where semi-presidentialism is most prevalent, but the dynamics of intra-executive relations are severely understudied. The four case studies discussed here—the Democratic Republic of Congo, Niger, Cabo Verde, and São Tomé e Príncipe—belong to the premier-presidential subtype. In this exploratory study, we aim to examine how institutional dimensions of premier-presidentialism interact with contextual factors to explain variations in presidential activism among Sub-Saharan African countries. In addition to fundamental contextual differences among the two pairs of countries, francophone and lusophone, there are specific institutional factors associated with the design and operation of premier-presidentialism that contribute to greater presidential activism in the two francophone cases. Taken together, these contextual and institutional factors skew effective executive power heavily toward the president in our francophone countries. We also find that the degree of political institutionalization matters for the impact of presidential activism on intra-executive conflict and government policymaking capacity. The article increases our understanding of the operation of semi-presidentialism in this understudied region, underscoring the importance of both contextual and constitutional factors for explaining variations in presidential activism in Africa.
Very few studies have systematically examined going-public tactics in semi-presidential systems. Previous research from presidential systems in the US and Latin America shows that such public strategies often work in favour of the presidents. This paper focuses on the link between presidents’ going-public tactics and intra-executive conflicts in three European semi-presidential regimes. Drawing on both primary and secondary data on president-cabinet relations and intra-executive conflicts, including expert interviews, we examine how presidents in Finland, Lithuania, and Romania vested with relatively weak constitutional powers use informal strategies of going public to increase their influence on government and policy. Our study confirms that during intra-executive conflict, the deliberate strategy of public grandstanding often benefits the presidents but is moderated particularly by shared norms about the role of the presidency among the political elites.
There is considerable literature concerning the impact of education in divided societies. Some seek to defend separate schools, often for different faith groups, while others stress the benefits of school integration on social cohesiveness. Contact theory has been employed in efforts in many countries to address social discord. Northern Ireland is a deeply divided multicultural society with a largely separate system of education for its two main communities. There is also a small but growing Integrated schools sector, where the communities learn together and where contact is maintained. A more recent intervention in Northern Ireland is that of Shared Education where separate schools are retained but shared classes and other opportunities for sharing are offered. This paper examines these models of educational provision and evaluates them in light of political developments. This is of particular importance as the structure of education is key to social cohesion for the people in Northern Ireland, as well as in other jurisdictions across the world contemplating educational solutions for divided societies.
Based on a comparative case study design including Lithuania, Romania, and Finland as a long–lasting case of European semi–presidentialism, this chapter addresses the interaction between executive power and the citizens in the context of accountability. By examining the conditions and implications of ‘going–public’ tactics used by ten presidents in these three countries, the author is especially interested in to what extent the president’s (perceived) popular legitimacy impedes and even outplays formal constitutional power in intra–executive relations between the president and prime minister. A guiding assumption is that the impact of the president’s ‘going–public’ strategies are conditioned by formal constitutional powers, unified or divided government (cohabitation), the president’s influence over his or her party, and by the prevailing norms among the political elites about the president’s role in the political system. The author uses both primary and secondary data on president–cabinet relations and intra–executive conflict, including expert interviews, to examine a number of intra–executive confrontations over the period from the early 1990s until 2019.
Following Russia's invasion, Ukraine exemplifies presidential leadership during full-scale war. This study examines executive coordination from Zelenskyi's mid-2019 election to the February 2022–July 2023 war period, using media sources and official data. It introduces three new leadership models – figurehead-leader, arbiter-management and leader-implementer – to capture evolving intra-executive relations in semi-presidential systems. Power centralisation around the president has accelerated, fitting the leader-implementer model. However, in accordance with the arbiter-manager model, a stricter division of labour, especially in domestic policy, is evident. Despite semi-presidentialism's perceived conflict-proneness, the study shows it can function efficiently and allow executive flexibility during significant crisis.
This dissertation examines the evolving dynamics between sovereignty and integration in the European Union (EU), focusing on digital policies and their implications. The research delves into how the EU addresses the challenges of digital sovereignty and internet interdependence, all while aiming to enhance regional cohesion and stimulate economic growth. Drawing on theoretical frameworks like neo-functionalism, intergovernmentalism, and supranationalism, the study is focused on offering an in-depth perspective on the interaction between national and supranational governance structures. Through an analysis of key policy initiatives such as the European Interoperability Framework (EIF) and the Interoperable Europe Act, the dissertation illustrates the EU's goals of promoting integration and interconnectedness while upholding the sovereignty of its member states. The findings shed light on the complex balancing act undertaken by the EU, highlighting both tensions and synergies that shape its governance approach towards these crucial policy domains.
The Sweden Democrats describe themselves as a social conservative party with a nationalistic view, others consider the Swedish democrats as a populistic party. Research on the Sweden Democrats describes the party as a nationalistic, populistic, and conservative party, but very little research has been conducted on the party’s ideological connection to the social democratic ideology or the social conservative ideology. The aim of this essay is therefor to examine if the Sweden Democrats’ politics is rooted in the social democratic ideology or in the social conservative ideology and if so to which extent. This is done through a qualitative idea analysis. The analysis is based on the Sweden democrats’ 2022 election manifesto on the basis of the ideologies social conservatism and social democracy. The analysis is based on the analysis of the Sweden Democrats’ standpoints on freedom, equality, and community in both the state and the civil society. Subsequently the analysis is made based on the analysis schemas for both social conservatism and social democracy to see if the Sweden Democrats’ politics can be connected to any of these ideologies. The result of the analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats 2022 election manifesto is largely rooted in the social conservative ideology, but there are parts of the election manifesto that fall into the social democratic ideology. The conclusions that can be made based on the result shows that more social conservative incentives can be found in the party’s election manifesto rather than social democratic incentives, even though some social democratic elements occur they are a lot less prevalent than the social conservative ideology.
The purpose of this study is to investigate whether, and in such cases how, children's rights have been strengthened by the implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child as a law in Sweden. The study also aims to analyze the similarities and differences between the Värmland and Stockholm regions.
The main questions that will be answered are as follows:
- To what extent have child healthcare centers in each region adapted their activities since the enforcement of the Convention on the Rights of the Child as law?- To what extent are there resources for the implementation of the new law in child healthcare centers?- What level of knowledge is there about the new law (and what is considered to be the children's best interests) in child healthcare centers?- Is it possible to explain on the basis of implementation theory (want, can, and understand) the extent to which child healthcare centers have adapted their work and activities to accommodate the new law?
This study is a qualitative case study using a common theoretical framework, in which we have chosen to interview care staff at child healthcare centers. The study chose the interviewees as they represent the final stage of policy implementation in the political governance chain. The analysis shows that the staff agreed that it is positive that the convention has been given a higher status since being enforced as a law. The result shows that the experience of implementing the new law differed between regions. Whether the newly enforced law strengthens the child's rights is, however, still difficult to assess as some interviewees find it difficult to interpret whether or not to refer to the Convention in certain contexts. This can be problematic, especially in situations with no open dialogue about the healthcare center’s' working methods and approach. This can result in a lack of practice when applying strategic methods (based on the legal principles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child) that aim to protect the rights of the child.
Political trust is by many thought to be an important factor for a society to work efficiently, due in part to trust in political institutions being a motivator for citizens to abide by rules and laws. Political trust is also thought to have an impact on voter turnout, according to some of the previous research. This correlation, however, is debated among researchers. This paper takes off from previous research regarding how voter turnout is impacted by different factors and specifically how voter turnout among young people is impacted. Previous research shows that voter turnout can be impacted by numerous factors on the individual as well as the aggregated level. Gender, age, and level of education are seen as some of the factors for voter turnout on the individual level, whereas the size of the population and proportional representation are seen as some of the factors for voter turnout on the aggregated level. Moreover, specifically voter turnout among young people is well-studied due to the generally lower turnout of this group. Previous research has shown how education and political interest, among other factors, might impact voter turnout among young people. This paper also rests on previous research of political trust in general and political trust as a factor for voter turnout. As mentioned above, the correlation between political trust and voter turnout is somewhat disputed, with some research showing strong correlation and other studies showing no evidence of such correlation. In this paper we therefore aim to study whether political trust, meaning trust for political institutions, has an impact on voter turnout among young people between the ages of 20–26. The term political institutions in this paper include the Swedish Parliament, the Swedish Government and the Swedish political parties represented in the parliament. The method in this study is quantitative, using cross tabulation to analyse the relationship between political trust and voter turnout among young people. The data on which the analysis is based are gathered from the results of the longitudinal research program Political Socialization Program by YeS (Youth & Society), Örebro university. The results suggests that young people have quite high levels of trust with over half of the respondents expressing very high or quite high levels of trust for all three of the political institutions. The results also show that the young people of this population have more trust toward the Swedish Parliament than to the Swedish Government and the political parties. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that low or no trust in each of the political institutions might correlate to a lower voter turnout on the individual level.
This text focuses the cooperation between Europarties and domestic political parties in Ukraine and the aim is to assess the main opportunities and challenges for the Europarties to play a role in Ukraine’s democratic development and its EU-membership aspirations. It first examines the political landscape in Ukraine and the challenges for the Europarties in finding partners in a context of unstable and ‘non-ideological’ political parties. It then considers the incentives for transnational party cooperation among both Europarties and the Ukrainian parties, which are of both instrumental and ideational character. Then it presents an analysis of the historical evolution of the transnational party cooperation. It concludes that the Europarties have so far not had any significant effects on the characteristics of Ukraine’s party system. This can be explained by the competition among Europarties, which has led to a softening of membership criteria. But the Europarties have found an important role in supporting Ukraine’s EU-integration process. With their long experience and wide network among high-level contacts within the EU, the Europarties can help Ukraine in making the necessary reforms and act as an ambassador for Ukraine’s EU-membership aspirations.