This article examines processes of doing gender during the initiation of students into engineering programs at university level in Sweden. The article draws on interviews with students, focusing on their understandings of gender. The aim is to explore difficulties with and challenges to traditional gender roles in an academic male dominated arena, by using theories of doing and undoing gender. The empirical material reveals the initiation period or ‘reception’ as a phenomenon both reinforcing and challenging traditional orders. The attempts to challenge norms meet resistance, revealing two paradoxes and one dilemma. In the first paradox the formal purpose of the reception (inclusion) is partly at odds with its informal consequence (exclusion of deviations). The second paradox concerns the contradictory effects of the reception. Even though the reception ensures participation of women, it reinforces existing hierarchies including gender inequality. This results in a dilemma, since in order to protect individual safety, there is a taboo on harassing women which then reproduces stable gender stereotypes. So while harassment taints the respect senior students must earn during the reception, the fact that female students exist in the engineering field challenges the established order and opens the way for change.
The focus of this dissertation is how gender, heterosexuality and sexual harassment are constructed in an academic setting, based on in-depth interviews with 15 female PhD-students on how they talk about, understand and interpret experiences of gender and sexual harassment in academia. In the first part of the analysis, the informants’ own descriptions of their academic contexts are studied. The second part of the analysis addresses the question of how gender is produced, constructed, created through meanings of being a researcher. The analysis shows that an individualising perspective reproduces two sets of assumptions simultaneously: the assumption of equality between women and men, and the assumption of gender difference. The third part of the analysis focuses on sexual harassment. At a level of principle, sexual harassment is constructed as both defined by subjective standards, and on the other hand objective standards, just like the Swedish official definition on sexual harassment. When the women are talking about their own experiences of sexualization in academia, sexual harassment as a frame of reference is made invalid through following frames of interpretation: for example, notions of the female harassed victim, notions of the male harasser, alcohol, the level of violence/coercion, frequency and notions of the legitimate victim. When all these frames for interpretation are considered together, the space for drawing a boundary and naming something as sexual harassment seems to be minimal. The informants’ use of sexual harassment as a concept is partly informed by the assumed gender neutrality of the professional order and partly by what are culturally expected interactions between women and men. Finally, the contextual analysis shows that due to a double meaning of the Swedish gender equality discourse, sexual harassment tends to become “everything” and “nothing” at the same time. This opens up for invalidations of sexual harassment as a valid problem in the academic setting.
This study analyses a set of written stories and interviews with ten women at Uppsala university, who have experienced some form of sexual harassment during their time as undergraduates, postgraduates, researchers or professors. The point of departure was to demarcate experiences of sexual harassment in order to be able to suggest relevant, preventative measures. However, when reading the informants written stories, as well as the transcribed interviews, it gradually became clear that their descriptions of different incidents and situations of violence are not clearly demarcated from so called non-violent situations. A central part of the analysis deals with the way the informants discuss different strategies to manage potentially abusive situations or actual violations. These strategies – denying, neutralising, avoiding, compensating, taking responsibility, and making formal complaints – are characterised by powerlessness. All in all, the narratives of the informants consist of circumstantial accounts on the “violence of normality”, that is subtle feelings of uneasiness, vulnerability and experiences of undefined pressure. The results from this study indicate that the urge to demarcate and define every single aspect of violence in the organisation in terms of sexual harassment seems counterproductive.
Svenska är språket som ska talas i domstol i Sverige. Sedan 2013 måste domstolar använda sig av auktoriserade tolkar om en eller flera av parterna i ett mål inte talar svenska. I dagsläget råder det brist på auktoriserade tolkar, det finns enligt uppgift bara drygt 200 rättstolkar i Sverige. Att inte använda en specialutbildad tolk innebär stora risker för rättssäkerheten; om tolken inte är insatt i ämnet eller har bristfälliga kunskaper i juridisk terminologi är risken stor att tolkningen blir fel. I denna artikel av fil. dr Gunilla Carstensen1 och professor Leif Dahlberg2 presenteras en intervjustudie med domare, advokater och rättstolkar om hur villkoren för tolkning ser ut, vilka valideringsmetoder som finns och hur tolkning i domstol kan förbättras.
Practice as you preach? Gender scholars’ reflections on practising gender theory
Being a gender scholar – to what extent is it possible to practice as you preach? This study investigates how gender scholars relate to using and practicing theoretical knowledge on gender.Ten in-depth interviews are conducted with gender scholars at Swedish universities. A semi-structured interview guide, based on ambitions, possibilities and obstacles regarding using theoretical knowledge in practice, is used. The results indicate that being a gender scholar is a highly reflective project, since it involves turning your gender theoretical gaze towards yourself. Practicing as you preach seems to be interpreted as undoing gender. Attempts to undo gender are said to be hindered by gender normative structures rendering gender scholar women and gender scholar men different possibilities to practice the undoing of gender. The analysis show that gender scholars perform a balancing act by adding some expressions for the opposite gender to their everyday doings and their physical appearance, thus combining a doing with an undoing of gender. The pace and force of change in these doings and undoings are rather small. Nevertheless, small as they may be, these steps are interpreted as part of a strategy to change gender normative structures, making possible yet other and freer gender performances.
The late life experiences of men in the oldest-old age group have been under-researched, and their perspectives on ageing successfully neglected. This study explored the perspectives of oldest-old Swedish men on what a ‘good old age’ and ageing successfully meant to them. A purposive sample of 17 men, aged 85-90 years, was drawn from the Uppsala Longitudinal Study of Adult Men. An interview guide explored participants’ perspectives on their ageing experiences and how they viewed ageing successfully. Participants were interviewed twice, with 1–2 weeks between interviews, and both interviews were recorded and transcribed. Content analysis identified four themes: i) Adaptation, concerning the ability to adapt to growing old with increasing limitations; ii) Sustaining Independence, related to financial resources and good health as the foundation for independence; iii) Belongingness, representing close relationships, established friendships, and the significance of the spouse; and iv) Perspectives of Time, also a common thread in all themes, in which past life experiences create an existential link between the past, the present and the future, establishing continuity of the self and enhancing life satisfaction. The participants presented themselves as active agents involved in maintaining meaning and achieving life satisfaction; a process related to the ability to manage changes in life. Our findings have resonance with models of healthy or successful ageing, but also diverge in important ways, since such models do not consider the significance of an individual’s life history for their present well-being, and primarily conceptualise health as an outcome, rather than as a resource.