The belief that people are generally fair and trustworthy has generated plenty of scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly in the Scandinavian countries, which are often known for high levels of social trust. This article draws attention to the current discussion in the literature on whether social trust is a stable cultural trait marked by persistence or is based on experiences and subject to change throughout life. Based on unique longitudinal data from five different cohorts of young people in Sweden, ranging in age from 13 to 28 years, this article provides an empirical contribution on how social trust develops over time. The results show that there is a greater degree of instability in social trust between 13 and 15 years of age than in other age groups, and that social trust appears to stabilize with age. Findings also indicate that there are substantial inter-individual differences in social trust among young people within the same age group, both in initial levels and in the rates of change over time. The article concludes that although social trust is relatively stable it tends to crystallize in early adulthood, highlighting the relevance of the impressionable-years hypothesis.

Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.

Governance networks (GNs) are theorized as institutions for state–civil society interaction with important merits as well as shortcomings for effective and democratic governance. Here we compare GNs with a far less researched type of state–civil society interaction, the Swedish governmental commission (GC), critically discussing them in terms of organizational and functional features, the role of the state and democratic anchorage. Drawing on lessons from the institutional design of GCs, we contest the notion that well-functioning GNs require a low level of formal institutionalization and discuss how democratic problems with GNs could be addressed through a formal institutional framework that provides pre-established and generally applied ground rules, ensures elected politicians the final say on policy, and values broad participation and consultation. Recognizing that GNs are not a self-evident form for state–civil society interactions, traditional institutional designs should be more fully considered in the discussion and theorization of the democratic anchorage of GNs.

Trots positiva tendenser i medlemsutvecklingen inomvissa partier finns det knappast något hopp för att depolitiska partierna återigen skall bli de stora folkrörelsersom de var fram till 1980-talet, skriver Martin Karlssonoch Erik Lundberg som är doktorander i statskunskap.

Under senare år har studenters läraromdömen allt mer hamnat i fokus inom skola såväl som högre utbildning. Parallellt med dessa utvecklingar har olika typer av internettjänster genom vilka studenter kan betygsätta sina lärare dykt upp i flera länder. I Sverige lanserades 2008 tjänsten ”Studenter tycker till” (STT) där studenter kan registrera sig och fylla i bedömningar av lärare enligt kriterierna utlärningsförmåga, kunskap, engagemang och lärandestöd. I denna studie undersöks betydelsen av lärarens kön och ålder för studenters läraromdömen genom en kvantitativ analys av omdömen av 98 högskole- och universitetslärare som givits på hemsidan STT. Syftet är att synliggöra hur sociala markörer, i detta fall om läraren är man eller kvinna, ung eller gammal, spelar en stor roll för hur en lärare utvärderas. Resultaten visar att kvinnor och unga lärare systematiskt ges lägre betyg av studenter, än män och äldre lärare. Studenter är således inte könsblinda eller oberoende av föreställningar om förhållandet mellan ålder och kompetens i sina bedömningar. Studien aktualiserar betydelsen av sociala markörer så som kön och ålder måste synliggöras och tas i beaktning när studenters utvärderingar av lärare och kurser behandlas inom högre utbildning.

Från år 1979 fram till idag har de politiska partierna sammanlagt förlorat mer än 80 procent av sina medlemmar. Den här uppsatsen undersöker de svenska partiorganisationernas strategier och agerande i skuggan av de senaste decenniernas sjunkande medlemstal. Detta görs genom att undersöka: 1) Hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till partiernas medlemsutveckling; 2) På vilket sätt och i vilken utsträckning ledande partiföreträdare anser att partierna har anpassats för att hantera rekryteringsfunktionen respektive aggregeringsfunktionen i en situation med minskande medlemsorganisationer samt 3) Om det finns det några skillnader när det gäller hur ledande partiföreträdare förhåller sig till medlemsminskningen och hur dessa i sådana fall kan förstås. Uppsatsen visar att medlemsrekrytering inte tycks vara någon särskilt prioriterad fråga för något av partierna. Partiföreträdarena menar att medlemsutvecklingen inte har föranlett några stora och mer genomgripande förändringar av partiernas organisation i syfte att stärka eller utveckla partiernas aggregeringskanaler. Analysen visar vidare att det finns en insikt bland alla partiföreträdare om svårigheten när det gäller hur partierna ska klara försörjningen av framtidens förtroendevalda men att några mer genomgripande förändringar i partiorganisationerna inte går att se. Slutligen påvisar uppsatsen också att partiföreträdare från de folkrörelsebaserade partierna är mer medlemsorienterade och ger uttryck för att partierna i första hand söker lösningar som finns inbyggt i dess struktur, tradition och identitet som folkrörelse. Partiföreträdare från de icke-folkrörelsebaserade partierna ger uttryck för att dessa partier är mindre bundna till idealet om många medlemmar och också mer benägen att utveckla fler och alternativa aggregeringskanaler och rekryteringskanaler än de folkrörelsebaserade partierna.

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government.

The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

This article focuses on the changing level of participation of voluntary organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role played by voluntary organisations to the state. Drawing on data from the remiss procedure – one of the most understudied parts of the Swedish policy-making process – the results implicate a reduced role for voluntary organisations in formal arenas for policy making. While the number of participating voluntary organisations has remained stable, the relative share of participating organisations has declined and an increasing proportion of organisations have abstained from participating. In addition, the shares of conflict-oriented and member-benefit-oriented organisations have decreased while consensus-oriented and public-benefit-oriented organisations appear to have increased slightly. These findings are discussed in the context of changes in the coordination and implementation of public policies, implying that over time the role of voluntary organisations as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests tend to have gradually lost ground in relation to the state while the share of organisations taking direct welfare responsibility has slightly increased. Although it may be premature to speak about a shifting role of voluntary organisations from input to output in the political system, the result suggest an emerging trend in that direction. Further research is needed to clarify whether this changing pattern of participation is evident in other arenas for policy making in Sweden or is an isolated feature explained from the outset of the remiss procedure.

To what extent does the government selection process practised in public consultations promote or hinder pluralism in the policy-making process? This article addresses this question by exploring and analysing the characteristics of voluntary organizations invited to public consultations. Evidence is drawn from the formerly corporatist Scandinavian country of Sweden and the policy-making process referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The article shows that the government selection process encourages a multitude of organizations to participate. Consistent with recent studies on Scandinavian corporatism, this study provides weak support of corporatist practices in the Swedish policy process. However, and without challenging the seemingly pluralistic nature of the remiss procedure, voluntary organizations with ‘insider status’ in the policy process are more frequently invited to formal decision-making arenas such as the remiss procedure. It is argued that the policy network literature and the theory of political opportunity structures may further the understanding of the government selection process practised in public consultations.

This article investigates how the participation of voluntary organisations in the remiss-procedure has changed between 1964 and 2009 and how to interpret this. Drawing on evidence from 33 remiss-directories in nine different policy fields, the results conclude that the proportional level of voluntary organisations has declined and more organisations have chosen to abstain from participating in the remissprocedure. In addition, the number of conflict-oriented organisations has declined while the number of consensus-oriented organisations active in the output side of the political system has increased. It is argued that the result can be understood in relation to the changing mode of governance, new challenges presented by the welfare state and the rise of transnational organisations that seek influence in less formal arenas for policy making.

Det här kapitlet presenterar en forskningsbakgrund över hur svensksamhällsvetenskaplig forskning har studerat det svenska organisationslivetfrån mitten av 1900-talet till idag. Tillbakablicken illustrerar att begreppetcivilsamhället kan kasta nytt ljus över relationen mellan det civila ochoffentliga samhället och problematisera den samverkan som vi idag ser tarform inom offentlig förvaltning.

This article analyzes the recurrent “erosion thesis” in the governance literature, arguing that bureaucratic or procedural public-sector institutions have come to play a less significant role in public-policy formation. Evidence from the Swedish policy-making institutions referred to as “governmental commissions” and adoption of the perspective of interest organizations support the claim. Using various theories of institutional change, I show that increased government control has reduced the influence of governmental commissions on policy, but not eliminated the belief held by interest organizations that the commissions are legitimate institutions.

This article analyzes the recurrent “erosion thesis” in the governance literature  arguing  that  bureaucratic  or  procedural government institutions have come to play a less significant role in the formation of  public  policy.  This  article  supports  these  claims  by  drawing evidence  from  the  Swedish  and  neo-corporatist  policy-making institutions  referred  to  as  the ‘governmental  commissions’  and  the perspective  of  interest  organizations.  Using  various  theories  on institutional change I show that increasing government steering has reduced  the  role  of  the  governmental  commissions  in  influencing policy, but has not eliminated interest organizations’ belief that they are  legitimate  institutions.  The  resulting  article concludes  that although the governmental commissions have eroded, the capability of the state to steer or govern society has not necessarily declined.

This article focuses on the changing level of participation of civil society organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role civil society organisation in the Swedish welfare state. Drawing on data from the remiss-procedure, one of the most understudied aspects of the Swedish policy making process, the article demonstrates that the role of civil society organisations has been reduced. In addition, the article draws attention to an ongoing shift from conflict and member benefit oriented organisations to consensus and public benefit oriented organisations. The findings implies that civil society organisations functioning as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests have gradually been losing ground in relation to the state, while organisations taking direct welfare responsibility have increased. These findings are put in the context of the changes in the coordination and implementation of the welfare state; and indicate that the welfare state is now less dependent on the interest groups and old social movements that expanded the welfare state, and more dependent on service organisations that can contribute towards upholding it.

The school is often emphasized as the societal institution with a universal mandate for promoting democratic values such as tolerance among the younger generation. This study explores the role of a positive school context for tolerance among Swedish students between 14 and 20 years old, simultaneously taking into account competing explanations such as social networks and personal traits. Results show that factors at the school level are associated with tolerance. However, socioeconomic factors and social networks tend to play a more important role. The study concludes by drawing attention to the role of schools as inclusive communities for students from different ethnical and social backgrounds.

In contribution to current debates on the changing roles and responsibilities of civil society in welfare state arrangements, I examined the participation of various types of civil society organizations in national welfare policymaking in Sweden between 1958 and 2012. Drawing upon an extensive dataset of over 1400 civil society, state, and for-profit organizations, I tested three claims related to the role and responsibility of civil society in the governance of welfare: the changing balance between corporatist and welfare organizations, the shift from voice to service, and another shift from nonprofit organizations to FPOs. My results revealed weak but emerging trends aligned with changing patterns of corporatism and the marketization of Sweden’s welfare system. However, support for any shift from voice to service remains uncertain.

School is often ranked highly among social agents that are central to the development of various citizenship values and norms in younger members of society. In this paper, we examined the impact of two dimensions of school climate on changes in social trust among adolescents over time, namely relationships and safety. Using a series of latent change models on 3-wave panel data concerning roughly 850 Swedish adolescents aged 13 to 28 years, we found that experiences of victimization in school mattered most in predicting changes in social trust across 3 time points, when relevant demographic factors and other aspects of the school climate were controlled. In particular, social trust declined most among adolescents who experienced more victimization at school.

This chapter describes how European civil societies promote integration in the EU by comparing leading practices from various NGOs in Sweden, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Italy. The chapter concludes that NGOs are active in areas where governments are weak, or, according to the NGOs, do not meet the expected requirements. All NGOs studied here are more or less dependent on public funds, and a lack of funds impedes their ability to access and connect with EU decision-makers and administrative staff. Small NGOs and similar networks in particular have difficulties meeting and influencing politicians and the administrative staff within the EU. It is therefore of utmost importance that policy-makers in the EU create more participatory opportunities for various NGOs, which would simultaneously strengthen the organisation’s legitimacy and relevance. It is worth nothing that the NGOs studied here articulate surprisingly few national variations with regard to the preconditions underlying their work. European policy-making institutions may therefore consider the diversity of European civil societies.

Consulting interest groups is commonplace in the preparation of policies by democratic governments. It is often assumed that interest groups participate in consultations primarily for the purpose of influencing policy. This article goes beyond this simplified claim and empirically explores the role of consultations from the vantage point of interest groups. Drawing on the Swedish formalized referral process known as the 'remiss procedure' the article shows that interest groups not only participate in consultations in order to effectively change the policy proposal under consideration, but they also use the output of the process in other venues for policy influence, such as direct political contacts and opinion making, and to establish themselves, or maintain their status as legitimate actors in the eyes of the government. In addition, the remiss procedure appears to be intertwined with the groups' own 'internal life', promoting the development and anchorage of policy positions within the organizations. These insights are important for further understanding the promises, as well as the perils, of public consultation.