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  • 1.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Den missnöjda demokraten: Ungas politiska missnöje och engagemang i en tid av förändring2015Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 2.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Dahl, Viktor
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Bilaga 2: En utvärdering av Skolval 20102015In: Öva och ta ställning: En utvärdering av arbetet med skolvalen 2014 / [ed] Björnstam, Linnea, Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor , 2015, p. 47-55Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Syftet med denna rapport är att: (a) redogöra för vilka elever som deltog i skolvalet 2010, (b) samt undersöka huruvida deltagandet i skolvalet har någon effekt på ungas intresse för politik/samhällsfrågor, politiska diskussioner med föräldrar och vänner, intention att rösta i framtida val samt politiskt deltagande. För denna undersökning används först och främst enkätdata från Political socialization Project (PSP); en pågående longitudinell studie som undersöker framväxten av unga människors politiska attityder och engagemang (Amnå, Ekström, Kerr & Stattin, 2009). Analyserna i denna rapport omfattar endast elever i PSP-studien vars skola anmält till Myndigheten för ungdoms- och civilsamhällesfrågor att de genomfört skolval. Totalt omfattar de analyser som denna rapport baseras på 3 högstadieskolor och 3 gymnasieskolor vilket sammantaget blir 860 elever.

  • 3.
    Dahl, Viktor
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Self-Selection or Socialization?: The Longitudinal Relation Between Civic Engagement and Political Orientations Among Adolescents2017In: Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly, ISSN 0899-7640, E-ISSN 1552-7395, Vol. 46, no 6, p. 1250-1269Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Social capital theory states that civic engagement generates positive outcomes, such as social trust and political interest. Likewise, studies show that those involved in civic engagement generally report higher levels of social trust and political interest. It is still unclear, however, whether these differences are the result of socialization or selection. We used between-effects and fixed-effects regressions to examine the development of political orientations in a three-wave longitudinal sample of 1,050 adolescents. From our results, volunteering seemed to have no socialization effect whatsoever on political interest and potentially a weak enhancing effect on social trust. Associational membership did not predict social trust over time, but it seemed to socialize members into increased political interest over time. The results are discussed in light of the social capital debate about how civic engagemend in associational life and volunteering do - or do not - function as schools of democracy.

  • 4.
    Dahl, Viktor
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    School of Law, Psychology and Social Work, Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden.
    Sohl, Sofia
    School of Law, Psychology and Social Work, Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden.
    The moderating role of political interest: Investigating involvement in institutional and non-institutional political participation among young adults in Sweden2016In: Politics, Culture and Socialization, ISSN 1866-3427, E-ISSN 2196-1417, Vol. 7, no 1-2, p. 157-181Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Many efforts have been made to explain variations in political participation. One such effort was made by Gamson, who hypothesized that different combinations of political efficacy and trust will generate different kinds and intensity of involvement in political activity. This study tests this hypothesis on a broad variety of political activities, while at the same time including the potentially moderating effect of people’s political interest. Using data from a longitudinal study in Sweden (2009-2015), this study shows that different combinations of efficacy-trust do indeed generate distinct patterns of participation for young adults. By adding political interest to the model, the effect of certain efficacy-trust combinations on political participation is present foremost among politically interested citizens. Hence, the hypothesis requires to be complemented by political interest to more accurately understand under which circumstances people engage in various political activities.

  • 5.
    Fryklund, Björn
    et al.
    Malmö universitet.
    Saveljeff, Sigrid
    Dalarna University, Not School affiliated.
    Det politiska etablissemangets strategier gentemot högerpopulistiska partier2019In: ARKIV. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, ISSN 2000-6225, E-ISSN 2000-6217, no 10, p. 33-70Article in journal (Refereed)
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  • 6.
    Gray, David
    Dalarna University, School of Humanities and Media Studies, English.
    Sport and Conflict/Sport and Conflict Resolution: A Future for Northern Ireland2015Conference paper (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 7.
    Hellberg, Ann-Sofie
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro universitet.
    Karlsson, MartinÖrebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.Larsson, HannuÖrebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro universitet.Lundberg, ErikÖrebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.Persson, MonikaÖrebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet2011Collection (editor) (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling - Tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet samlar texter från doktorander och forskare knutna till Forskarskolan Offentlig verksamhet i utveckling (FOVU) vid Örebro Universitet. Antologin erbjuder en mångdisciplinär och omfångsrik behandling av en rad viktiga utmaningar för dagens offentlig verksamhet. I boken behandlas ämnen som korruption, jämställdhet, trygghet, medborgardialog, sjukskrivning och högerextremism. Målsättningen med boken är att skapa en bro mellan inomvetenskapliga debatter, offentlig praktik och politik. Här erbjuds kortare texter som på ett överskådligt sätt angriper praktikrelevanta ämnen utan att göra avkall på den vetenskapliga kvaliteten. Vissa texter erbjuder forskningsöversikter och reder ut oklarheter i teoretiska debatter, medan andra presenterar resultat av empirisk forskning.

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    FULLTEXT01
  • 8.
    Karlsson, Martin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Mot medlemslösa partier: partiföreträdare om orsaker, konsekvenser och strategier kring en svikande medlemskår2011Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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    FULLTEXT01
  • 9.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Forskning om relationen mellan det civila och offentliga samhället2011In: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Ann-Sofie Hellberg, Martin Karlsson, Hannu Larsson, Erik Lundberg, Monika Persson, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2011, p. 71-80Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Det här kapitlet presenterar en forskningsbakgrund över hur svensksamhällsvetenskaplig forskning har studerat det svenska organisationslivetfrån mitten av 1900-talet till idag. Tillbakablicken illustrerar att begreppetcivilsamhället kan kasta nytt ljus över relationen mellan det civila ochoffentliga samhället och problematisera den samverkan som vi idag ser tarform inom offentlig förvaltning.

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  • 10.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Andrew Hammond (2012). The Islamic Utopia: The Illusion of Reform in Saudi Arabia2014In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 133-136Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 11.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Madawi Al-Rashid (2013). A Most Masculine State: : Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia.2014In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 114-117Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur?: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder2008In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 141-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

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  • 13.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Regime Dynamics and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 14.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet.
    Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism2012In: Baltic Journal of Law and Politics, ISSN 2029-0454, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 20-45Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

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    Sedelius & Berglund 2012
  • 15.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unravelling Semi-Presidentialism: Democracy and Government Performance in Four Distinct Regime Types2018In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 136-157Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analyzed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential sub-types in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.

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  • 16.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The European Parliament and the Europe 2020 strategy: An arena for public debate or political entrepreneurship?2019In: Smart, sustainable and inclusive growth: political entrepreneurship for a prosperous Europe / [ed] Charlie Karlsson, Daniel Silander, Brigitte Pircher, Cheltenhem, UK: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the European Parliament in the light of agenda Europe 2020 with a specific focus on the transnational party groups. It starts with clarifying the legal and institutional framework for Europe 2020 and to what degree the European Parliament is involved in the agenda-setting stage, actual creation, decision process and implementation process. Thus, what have been the openings and possibilities for political entrepreneurship of the party groups and of individual members of Parliament? Secondly, it identifies the main issues around Europe 2020 which have been up for debate in the European Parliament. The main interest here lies in whether the conflicts concerns transnational ideological issues (like economic issues between Left and Right or between growth and sustainability) or domestic interests. Thirdly, it identifies examples of political entrepreneurship strategies among the party groups and their individual members. It is important to remember that the European party families are present in each EU-institution. Consequently, there is room for informal influence may on fellow party sympathisers in other key EU institutions like the Commission or the Council.

  • 17.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet.
    East-West convergence or divergence?: The (possible) influence of the European People’s Party on affiliated parties in Central and Eastern Europe 1990-20142018Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the (possible) ideological influence of Europarties on their member parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus of the study is the Christian democratic European People’s Party (EPP) and the main theoretical point of departure is the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The analysis is based on elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2015. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence (or divergence) between the Western and Eastern EPP-affiliated parties and to evaluate the extent of influence that the EPP has exerted on Christian democratic and conservative parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis is based on a mean-value comparison of the West European member parties and the affiliated parties from post-communist countries when it comes to Left-Right positions and issue specific positions. Furthermore the analysis is complemented with in-depth analysis of specific cases. Finally the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence and Europarty influence.

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