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  • 101.
    Rocklind, Johan
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Feministas: Ett nätverk för förändring eller ett luftslott på den feministiska politiska arenan?2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 102.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A metahistory of the clash of civilisations2012In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 489-491Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 103.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Andrew Hammond (2012). The Islamic Utopia: The Illusion of Reform in Saudi Arabia2014In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 133-136Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 104.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Arab youth: Special mobilization in times of risk2013In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 24, no 3, p. 393-397Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 105.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Corruption, governance and collective sanctions:: can a wicked problem be tamed?2012In: Study of Changing Societies, ISSN 2225-2215, Vol. 1, no 6, p. 67-104Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 106.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of a changing world order: US strategy and the scramble for the Eurasian heartland2015In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 163-180Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As the geopolitics of the twenty first century proceed to evolve and take shape, most significantly as pursued by the American insular superpower, global implications still remain opaque. Geopolitical theory allows for more transparency as it helps in observing continuities in US strategy and, in forming expectations about changing tactics and policies in the service of its durable strategic international and global concerns. It would further help offer deeper insights into how American decision-makers are likely to think and act in the post-Cold War era, and in explaining, understanding, and possibly reading and predicting U.S policies into the near future. It may then be possible to proceed to assess global implications and reactions of different actors in different regions of the World, particularly the Middle East and the Eurasian Heartland, to U.S constant parameters and changing variables, and perhaps observe early and subtle shifts in policy and political alignments as a result. 

  • 107.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Deception: Media, Framing and War by other Means2014Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields. It examines how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it attempts to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

    Beyond simply being an instrument of propagation and propaganda, media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as psychological and mental structures along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security structure. To the extent that media and war increasingly come to share symbiotic forms of strategic interaction, a symbiosis of soft power and hard power respectively, what evolves is a dynamic of framing — a scheme of comprehension that shapes the physical as well as mental and psychological boundaries and limitations of a group, audience or collectivity with or without them necessarily being aware of its structural impact.  This condition renders media a potential weapon of war in its own right equal in scope and dimension to those of the actual physical or military.

  • 108.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Identity: Egypt's Lost Peace2017In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 51-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph attempts to provide a conceptualization of Egypt's current predicaments by process-tracing historical critical junctures and sequences of causal mechanisms that contributed to bringing about the January 2011 events. Focusing on the period between the 1952 Revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, until the events of 2011, it traces the developments and changing political and strategic trajectories of the three presidents Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak. The case of Egypt is examined here as ‘an instance of a class of events’ focusing on phenomena related to the tracing of causal factors and mechanisms leading to a particular outcome in January 25, 2011. It further links the uprising to that country’s 1979 'Peace Treaty' with Israel. This treaty de-securitized the latter, allowing it significant regional freedom of action, and had a causal effect on challenging Egypt's identity motivated action, contributing in the process to undermining its identity structure. An increasing awareness among many Egyptians of the link between the treaty and their identity formation, is one of the main reasons for summoning the legacy of Nasser as a source of 'ontological security'.

  • 109.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Islam, Democracy, and Cosmopolitanism2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 32, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 110.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Madawi Al-Rashid (2013). A Most Masculine State: : Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia.2014In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 114-117Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 111.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Media, Framing and War by Other Means2012Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as, psychological and mental structures, along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security. This renders media a potential weapon of war much in its own right.

    This paper focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields (e.g. Irving Goffman; Basil Liddell Hart). It will examine how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it will also attempt to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

  • 112.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Monetary union in the gulf: prospects for a single currency in the Arabian peninsula2012In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 288-290Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 113.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Muslims in global politics2011In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 445-448Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 114.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats2014In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 42, no 4, p. 676-678Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 115.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Prophet Muhammad: Sultan of Hearts2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 33, no 1, p. 129-129Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 116.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Taha J. Alalwani (2011). Apostasy in Islam2013In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 109-111Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 117.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Inevitable Caliphate? 2016In: ReOrient, ISSN 2055-5601, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 228-232Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 118.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wickedness, Governance and Collective Sanctions:: Can Corruption be Tamed?2010In: Ethical Governance: a citizen perspective / [ed] Ari Salminen, Vaasa, Finland: Vaasa University Press. , 2010, p. 91-112Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 119.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wilayat al-Faqih and the meaning of Islamic government2014In: A Critical Introduction to Khomeini / [ed] Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 69-87Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The triumph of the Islamic revolution of Iran in February1979 baffled and continues to baffle many. The introduction of a religious dimension into contemporary politics challenged present day understandings of the human condition in ways that have called into question much of the basic modern premises of secularism. The Revolution tended to be perceived largely in light of the preconceptions and predispositions of observers rather than as something original and unique — sui generis. Many failed to see the Revolution as a phenomenon that is to be understood and comprehended from within its own dynamics and on its own terms, rather than in terms of mere Western social science categories, insightful as they may be. Consequently, varied designations were and continue to be attributed to the Iranian regime ranging from it being a form of anachronistic theocracy, to being pejoratively referred to as the rule of the mullahs or a religious dictatorship.

    Yet at the heart of this Islamic phenomenon is a creative theory of government and leadership which sought to tackle the recurring issue of legitimacy and the question of who is entitled to rule

  • 120.
    Schimana, Fredrik
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Om du vill ha fred, förbered dig på krig: en studie i den militära styrkans betydelse2005Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor)Student thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats kretsar kring att pröva hur en av de främsta företrädarna för den realistiska skolan, förklarar de amerikanska anfallen mot Afghanistan (2001) och Irak (2003). Hans namn är Robert Kagan och uppsatsen syftar till ge en realists tolkning till varför USA handlade som man gjorde. Man måste därför försöka uppfatta världen utifrån USA:s horisont och försöka tolka samt sätta sig in i den amerikanska positionen på den internationella arenan. Problemformuleringarna kretsar kring att få insikt i grundstenarna i Kagans teori, samt hur Kagans grundsyn skiljer sig gentemot den idealistiska. Vidare hur USA:s militära styrka, enligt Kagan, påverkar dess beteende på den internationella arenan, men även hur Kagan ser på USA:s kommande globala engagemang. Robert Kagans bok Om paradiset och makten USA och Europa i den nya världsordningen kommer att utgöra fundamentet i studien. I boken kretsar bl.a. Kagans resonemang kring att USA och Europa distanserar från varandra, men även kring militär styrka. Därför ger boken oss en väldigt bra bild av USA:s position på den internationella arenan. Kagans resonemang vävs sedan ihop med kritik, realism, idealism och geopolitik. Slutsatsen blir att grundstenarna i Kagans resonemang återfinns i den s.k. realismteorin, men även till viss del i geopolitiken. Han sätter stor vikt vid militära medel och ser staterna som de mest betydelsefulla aktörerna, samt ser världen som allmänt hotfull. Han realistiska resonemang grundas på amerikanska spelregler och ledarskap på den internationella arenan. Skillnaden mellan Kagans grundsyn och den idealistiska bottnar främst i idealisternas fokusering på integration mellan stater. Vidare att de sätter tilltro till internationell rätt, samt har ett mer multilateralt förhållningssätt till omvärlden. Kagan menar vidare att starka stater är mer villiga att använda tvång och hot i internationella relationer. De bedömer dessutom hot och risker annorlunda jämfört med svagare stater. Enligt Kagan beter sig USA som en internationell sheriff på den globala arenan och beteendet bottnar i militär styrka. Vidare anser Kagan att USA har haft samma kurs i flera århundraden. USA har expanderat in i Europa och Asien och aldrig dragit sig tillbaka. Man hade redan före den 11 september 2001 fokuserat på Kina som motspelare. Dessutom, menar Kagan, att USA varit villiga att satsa på ny militär teknik, vilken kan förändra krigföringen. Han skriver även att både Clinton och Bushadministrationen varit grundade på att USA är en nödvändig nation, samt att amerikaner vill beskydda och sprida det liberala systemet i världen.

  • 121.
    Schmidt-Felzmann, Anke
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ryssland och EU i den nya globala maktbalansen2014In: EU och de globala obalanserna: Europaperspektiv 2014 / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Lars Oxelheim, Thomas Persson, Falun: Santérus , 2014, 1, p. 239-274Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 122.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur?: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder2008In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 141-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

  • 123.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Dilemmas of Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2008In: Nordic Political Science Association (NOPSA) Conference, Tromsö, 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 124.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Från sovjetrepublik till presidentdiktatur2008In: Samtidigt i Vitryssland / [ed] Eriksson, Ulrika, Stockholm: KIC , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 125.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Individer, inte partier!: Politikens presidentialisering och starka politiska ledare2010In: Politik, protest, populism: Deltagande på nya villkor / [ed] Ekman, Joakim; Linde, Jonas, Malmö: Liber , 2010, p. 225-252Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 126.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Issues of Regime Change and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 127.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Party presidentialization in Ukraine2015In: The presidentialization of political parties: organizations, institutions and leaders / [ed] Gianluca Passarelli, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, p. 124-141Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book considers why the level of party presidentialization varies from one country to another, and how constitutional structures and party genetics affect both the level and the degree it is present. Presenting an international collection of case studies from the US, Latin America, Australia, Japan and Europe, including France, Italy, Germany, Poland and the Ukraine, it examines how the presence of presidential features in political parties varies in terms of the constitutional framework. Highlights the importance of institutions in political life, the case studies provide empirical evidence that no stable presidentialization is possible outside regimes where a presidential dynamic is introduced by the institutions.

  • 128.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Presidentmakt och parlamentarism i Östeuropa2009In: Det nya Östeuropa - stat och nation i förändring / [ed] Björklund, Fredrika; Rodin, Johnny, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2009, p. 379-408Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 129.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Pro-premiär eller pro-president?: Om distinktionen mellan parlamentarism, presidentialism och semi-presidentialism2002In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 105, no 4, p. 273-295Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Propremiar or pro-president? On the distinction between parliamentarism, presitentialism and semi-presidentialism. From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (presidentparliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.

  • 130.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Recension av Russisk Politikk2014In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 28, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 131.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Regime Dynamics and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 132.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Review: Cohabitation and conflicting politics in French policymaking2016In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 905-906Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 133.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidential Perils: Trends and Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict in Eastern Europe2009In: Statsvetenskapliga förbundets årsmöte 2009, Örebro, 2009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 134.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-presidential shifts in Ukraine: institutional perils and party presidentialization2015Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 135.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers: Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 136.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers: Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2008Book (Other academic)
  • 137.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ukrainas konstitutionella sicksackande: Regimförändring och partiutveckling under semipresidentialism2016In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 30, no 1, p. 18-37Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

  • 138.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet.
    Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism2012In: Baltic Journal of Law and Politics, ISSN 2029-0454, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 20-45Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

  • 139.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Intra-Executive Conflict and Cabinet Instability: Effects of Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2010In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 45, no 4, p. 505-530Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 140.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Politiska utmaningar: Demokratienkäten 20042010In: Partnerskap för hållbar välfärdsutveckling: utveckling och forskning under sex år i fyra städer. / [ed] Eriksson, Charli, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 141.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Sandberg, Andreas
    Välfärdsutveckling på stadsdelsnivå: Baronbackarna i Örebro, Dalhem i Helsingborg, Hageby i Norrköping och Pettersberg i Västerås2007Report (Other academic)
  • 142.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unpacking Semi-Presidentialism: Government performance and democracy in four different regime types2016In: Swepsa 2016, 2016Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become a widespread choice among constitution makers around the world. Elgie (1999) defines semi-presidentialism as a system where the constitution includes both a popularly elected president and a prime minister and cabinet accountable to the parliament. With his inclusive definition there are 53 countries with a semi-presidential constitution. The aim of this paper is two-folded. First, we want to demonstrate the empirically value of using the distinction between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. Second, by using indicators on regime performance and democracy from the QoG dataset on 173 countries, we examine the performance records of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. This is done in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. We find a manifest difference between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism. While premier-presidential regimes have performance records close to parliamentary regimes, president-parliamentary regimes display performance records more similar to pure presidentialism, and it performs even worse on most indicators.

  • 143.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unravelling Semi-Presidentialism: Democracy and Government Performance in Four Distinct Regime Types2018In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 136-157Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analyzed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential sub-types in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.

  • 144.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    A Troubled Tandem?: Character and Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict under Semi-Presidentialism2012Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 145.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    Twenty Years of Semi-Presidentialism: Intra-Executive Conflict in Eastern Europe 1991-20102011In: CBEES: Political Leadership and Changes of Power in the Baltic Sea Region, Södertörns högskola, 2011Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 146.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Kiev.
    Two Decades of Semi-Presidentialism: Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict in Central and Eastern Europe 1991-20112013In: East European Politics, ISSN 2159-9165, E-ISSN 2159-9173, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 109-134Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become an increasingly popular form of government worldwide and has emerged as the most common regime type in Central and Eastern Europe and among the post-Soviet states. An often identified - although rarely empirically addressed - peril of semi-presidentialism is the risk of intra-executive struggles between the president and prime minister. This study analysis the trend and issues of intra-executive conflicts in eight semi-presidential (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary) countries in Central and Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. By utilising expert survey data as well as indicators derived from documentary and literature analysis, 76 instances of intra-executive (president–cabinet) coexistences between 1991 and 2011 are examined. The results show that intra-executive conflict has been a frequently occurring phenomenon under both types of semi-presidentialism, and one that has persisted on similar levels throughout the post-communist era. In addition, and quite unexpectedly, we find that the character of conflicts have only slightly changed from being predominantly power struggles over formal rules and competences to being more issue specific and policy oriented.

  • 147.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sandberg, Andreas
    Eriksson, Charli
    Indikatorer för hållbar välfärdsutveckling på stadsdelsnivå2010In: Partnerskap för hållbar välfärdsutveckling: utveckling och forskning under sex år i fyra städer / [ed] Eriksson, Charli, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 148.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eastern Europe’s semi-presidential regimes2018In: The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics / [ed] Adam Fagan and Petr Kopecky, London: Routledge, 2018, p. 67-81Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 149.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åström, Joachim
    E-deltagande som medborgerligt och politiskt projekt2011In: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Hellberg, Ann-Sofie m.fl, Örebro universitet , 2011Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 150. Silander, Daniel
    et al.
    Öhlén, MatsDalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Svensk politik och EU: Hur svensk politik har förändrats av medlemskapet i2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
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