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  • 101.
    Perman, Karin
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Gender, Power and Organization in Local Politics.2000In: ECPR Joint Sessions, Köpenhamn, 2000Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 102.
    Perman, Karin
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Kön, makt och auktoritet2003Report (Other academic)
  • 103.
    Perman, Karin
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Lennqvist-Lindén, Ann-Sofie
    Hedlund, Gun
    Önskade och oönskade förändringar. Könsmakt och organisationsförändringar i svenska kommuner2003Report (Other academic)
  • 104.
    Persson, Erika
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Kommunpolitikers inflytande över beslutsunderlag: En studie där 5 fritidspolitiker från Söderhamns barn- och utbildningsnämnd berättar2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Uppsatsen har som syfte att undersöka relationen mellan förvaltningen och politiken vad gäller beslutsfattande på kommunal nivå. Mer precist handlar studien om att få en djupare förståelse om på vilket sätt fritidspolitiker i Söderhamns barn- och utbildningsnämnd själva ser på sin roll gentemot tjänstemännen i beslutsprocessen. Studien genomfördes med hjälp av kvalitativa semi-strukturerade intervjuer och de skedde med fritidspolitiker i Söderhamns barn- och utbildningsnämnd. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten utgick från medborgarnas representanter och förbindelsen mellan politiker och tjänstemän. Erfa-rapporten från 2013 om hur samarbete organiseras mellan politiker och tjänstemän var betydande i denna studie. I denna rapport belyses det tre dilemman som kan råda mellan politiker och tjänstemän, rapporten gavs även en teoretisk inramning vilket blev centralt för denna studie. Rolldilemman, relationsdilemman och helhetsdilemman används för att analysera resultaten från intervjuerna. Studien visar att fritidspolitikerna i Söderhamns barn- och utbildningsnämnd såg sig själva som beslutsfattare medan tjänstemännen är de som genomför besluten. För att kunna uppfylla den politiska rollen och dess förpliktelser krävdes tjänstemännens expertis. Fritidspolitikernas roll gentemot tjänstemännen i beslutsprocessen bygger på att kunna lita och ha förtroende för dem. I studien framkom fritidspolitikernas upplevelser om hur en relation gentemot tjänstemännen i en beslutsprocess bör förefalla. Fritidspolitikernas kommunikation gentemot tjänstemän ansågs inte som otydlig utan som bra, den otydlighet som kunde förekomma kunde ses utifrån ett medborgareperspektiv.

  • 105.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    University of Tampere.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Decision-Making in Foreign and Security Policies and EU Affairs2019In: Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 127-150Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter investigates leadership in foreign and security policy and European Union (EU) affairs, examining decision-making and division of labor between the president and the prime minister. In order to grasp the complexity of intra-executive policy coordination in these areas, it highlights the interdependence between foreign and EU policies. The chapter shows that intra-executive coordination is most developed in foreign and security policy and that Finland, Lithuania, and Romania normally manage to speak with one voice in external relations. It also provides evidence of constitutional rules about jurisdictions bending in favor of presidents. This applies particularly to representation in the European Council.

  • 106.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    University of Tampere.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Formal Coordination Mechanisms2019In: Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 79-91Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter examines formal intra-executive coordination mechanisms such as joint meetings between the president and the prime minister, joint councils or ministerial committees, and administrative coordination between the offices of the president and the prime minister. It uncovers the status and legal basis of such instruments and explores how they have evolved in Finland, Lithuania, and Romania since the 1990s. It shows strong and systematic variation between the three countries, with Finland displaying a high level of formal coordination. In Lithuania and Romania, on the other hand, such coordination mechanisms are considerably weaker and more dependent on individual office-holders.

  • 107.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    University of Tampere.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Informal Avenues of Influence2019In: Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 93-126Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter focuses on the actual coordination and decision-making between the president and the prime minister. The analysis covers agenda-setting initiatives, public opinion and party system dynamics, and the way formal prerogatives are interpreted into praxis, as well as how the key actors approach coordination where there is no explicit constitutional or judicial guidance. The findings confirm that lack of written rules or otherwise strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination opens the door for presidential activism (Lithuania and particularly Romania), whereas under stronger coordination mechanisms, presidents are in turn more constrained and constructively involved in decision-making (Finland).

  • 108.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    University of Tampere.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Institutions, Coordination, and Leadership2019In: Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 19-44Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter contains the theoretical framework the study in this book is based on. Embedded in institutional theory and building on four strands of literature—semi-presidentialism, public administration, political leadership, and foreign policy analysis—it highlights the role of institutions in facilitating successful policy-making. It outlines key concepts and findings from institutional theory before moving more specifically to the incentives that presidents and prime ministers have for engaging in intra-executive cooperation. The specific challenges related to leadership in foreign and security policy, including European Union affairs, are emphasized. The chapter identifies various intra-executive coordination mechanisms and puts forward a theoretical framework for the subsequent empirical chapters.

  • 109.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    Tampere University.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Presidents and Cabinets: Coordinating Executive Leadership in Premier-Presidential Regimes2019In: Political Studies Review, ISSN 1478-9299, E-ISSN 1478-9302Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A key factor of semi-presidential regimes is power-sharing mechanisms between president and government. Influenced by Shugart and Carey’s seminal work on premier-presidential regimes, this article addresses intra-executive dynamics in light of recent scholarship on the risks and consequences associated with conflict and cooperation between the president and the cabinet. Through an in-depth comparison of three premier-presidential systems with broadly similar constitutional designs, Finland, Lithuania, and Romania, it forces us to reconsider how coordination mechanisms and political context shape presidential influence. Absent of a working constitutional division of labour and established modes of intra-executive coordination, presidents are more likely to use alternative channels of influence – such as the strategy of ‘going public’ or direct contacts with political parties, the legislature, or civil society stakeholders – and to intervene in questions falling under the competence of the government. Lack of institutionalized coordination also benefits the presidents as they hold the initiative regarding cooperation between the two executives.  

  • 110. Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadeship2020Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book explores how power-sharing between the president and the prime minister works in semi-presidential regimes. In contrast to much of the existing comparative work on semi-presidentialism, the book emphasizes the role of institutional coordination at the most concrete level of executive policy-making, and asks how institutional coordination between the president and prime minister influences presidential activism and the balance of power within the executive. The authors develop a tentative framework embedded in institutionalism and based on four strands of research – semi-presidentialism, public administration, political leadership, and foreign policy analysis – which is subsequently applied to the cases of Lithuania, Romania and Finland. Given the political challenges facing many semi-presidential countries, the study ultimately seeks to identify institutional solutions that facilitate power-sharing and successful policy-making.

  • 111.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    University of Tampere.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Shifting Power-Centers of Semi-Presidentialism: Exploring Executive Coordination in Lithuania2017In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Despite more than two decades of research on semi-presidential regimes, we still know very little about the actual coordination between the president and the prime minister. Through an in-depth analysis of Lithuanian semi-presidentialism, this paper underscores the importance of institutional design on intra-executive balance of power. It argues that absent of written rules or otherwise strong norms guiding intra-executive coordination, presidents enjoy more discretion in designing their own modes of operation. Coordination depends on the initiative of the president, with ad hoc practices further weakening the position of the prime minister. While Lithuanian semi-presidentialism has functioned by and large smoothly, the personality-centred politics commonly found in Central and East European countries creates favourable conditions for presidential activism. 

  • 112.
    Raunio, Tapio
    et al.
    Tampere University.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Semi-Presidential Cases in Comparative Context2019In: Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe: Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, 2019, p. 45-77Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter sets Finland, Lithuania, and Romania in a comparative context of semi-presidentialism in Europe. It justifies the selection of cases by including them in a broader set of semi-presidential regimes and uses this comparison to provide a range of basic and institutional data for setting the stage for the subsequent chapters on executive coordination. It provides key indicators on semi-presidential subtypes (premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism): level of democracy, presidential power, intra-executive conflict, and cohabitation. Drawing on public opinion surveys, it also assesses general levels of institutional trust with an emphasis on public support for the presidency.

  • 113.
    Rocklind, Johan
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Feministas: Ett nätverk för förändring eller ett luftslott på den feministiska politiska arenan?2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
  • 114.
    Roulston, Stephen
    et al.
    Ulster University.
    Hansson, Ulf
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Kicking the can down the road? Educational solutions to the challenges of divided societies: a Northern Ireland case study2019In: Discourse. Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, ISSN 0159-6306, E-ISSN 1469-3739Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    There is considerable literature concerning the impact of education in divided societies. Some seek to defend separate schools, often for different faith groups, while others stress the benefits of school integration on social cohesiveness. Contact theory has been employed in efforts in many countries to address social discord. Northern Ireland is a deeply divided multicultural society with a largely separate system of education for its two main communities. There is also a small but growing Integrated schools sector, where the communities learn together and where contact is maintained. A more recent intervention in Northern Ireland is that of Shared Education where separate schools are retained but shared classes and other opportunities for sharing are offered. This paper examines these models of educational provision and evaluates them in light of political developments. This is of particular importance as the structure of education is key to social cohesion for the people in Northern Ireland, as well as in other jurisdictions across the world contemplating educational solutions for divided societies. 

  • 115.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A metahistory of the clash of civilisations2012In: Cambridge Review of International Affairs, ISSN 0955-7571, E-ISSN 1474-449X, Vol. 25, no 3, p. 489-491Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 116.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Andrew Hammond (2012). The Islamic Utopia: The Illusion of Reform in Saudi Arabia2014In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 133-136Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 117.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Arab youth: Special mobilization in times of risk2013In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 24, no 3, p. 393-397Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 118.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Corruption, governance and collective sanctions:: can a wicked problem be tamed?2012In: Study of Changing Societies, ISSN 2225-2215, Vol. 1, no 6, p. 67-104Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 119.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of a changing world order: US strategy and the scramble for the Eurasian heartland2015In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 163-180Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As the geopolitics of the twenty first century proceed to evolve and take shape, most significantly as pursued by the American insular superpower, global implications still remain opaque. Geopolitical theory allows for more transparency as it helps in observing continuities in US strategy and, in forming expectations about changing tactics and policies in the service of its durable strategic international and global concerns. It would further help offer deeper insights into how American decision-makers are likely to think and act in the post-Cold War era, and in explaining, understanding, and possibly reading and predicting U.S policies into the near future. It may then be possible to proceed to assess global implications and reactions of different actors in different regions of the World, particularly the Middle East and the Eurasian Heartland, to U.S constant parameters and changing variables, and perhaps observe early and subtle shifts in policy and political alignments as a result. 

  • 120.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Deception: Media, Framing and War by other Means2014Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields. It examines how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it attempts to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

    Beyond simply being an instrument of propagation and propaganda, media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as psychological and mental structures along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security structure. To the extent that media and war increasingly come to share symbiotic forms of strategic interaction, a symbiosis of soft power and hard power respectively, what evolves is a dynamic of framing — a scheme of comprehension that shapes the physical as well as mental and psychological boundaries and limitations of a group, audience or collectivity with or without them necessarily being aware of its structural impact.  This condition renders media a potential weapon of war in its own right equal in scope and dimension to those of the actual physical or military.

  • 121.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Identity: Egypt's Lost Peace2017In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 51-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph attempts to provide a conceptualization of Egypt's current predicaments by process-tracing historical critical junctures and sequences of causal mechanisms that contributed to bringing about the January 2011 events. Focusing on the period between the 1952 Revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, until the events of 2011, it traces the developments and changing political and strategic trajectories of the three presidents Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak. The case of Egypt is examined here as ‘an instance of a class of events’ focusing on phenomena related to the tracing of causal factors and mechanisms leading to a particular outcome in January 25, 2011. It further links the uprising to that country’s 1979 'Peace Treaty' with Israel. This treaty de-securitized the latter, allowing it significant regional freedom of action, and had a causal effect on challenging Egypt's identity motivated action, contributing in the process to undermining its identity structure. An increasing awareness among many Egyptians of the link between the treaty and their identity formation, is one of the main reasons for summoning the legacy of Nasser as a source of 'ontological security'.

  • 122.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Islam, Democracy, and Cosmopolitanism2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 32, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 123.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Madawi Al-Rashid (2013). A Most Masculine State: : Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia.2014In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 114-117Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 124.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Media, Framing and War by Other Means2012Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as, psychological and mental structures, along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security. This renders media a potential weapon of war much in its own right.

    This paper focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields (e.g. Irving Goffman; Basil Liddell Hart). It will examine how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it will also attempt to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

  • 125.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Monetary union in the gulf: prospects for a single currency in the Arabian peninsula2012In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 288-290Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 126.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Muslims in global politics2011In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 445-448Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 127.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats2014In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 42, no 4, p. 676-678Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 128.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Prophet Muhammad: Sultan of Hearts2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 33, no 1, p. 129-129Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 129.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Taha J. Alalwani (2011). Apostasy in Islam2013In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 109-111Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 130.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Inevitable Caliphate? 2016In: ReOrient, ISSN 2055-5601, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 228-232Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 131.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wickedness, Governance and Collective Sanctions:: Can Corruption be Tamed?2010In: Ethical Governance: a citizen perspective / [ed] Ari Salminen, Vaasa, Finland: Vaasa University Press. , 2010, p. 91-112Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 132.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wilayat al-Faqih and the meaning of Islamic government2014In: A Critical Introduction to Khomeini / [ed] Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 69-87Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The triumph of the Islamic revolution of Iran in February1979 baffled and continues to baffle many. The introduction of a religious dimension into contemporary politics challenged present day understandings of the human condition in ways that have called into question much of the basic modern premises of secularism. The Revolution tended to be perceived largely in light of the preconceptions and predispositions of observers rather than as something original and unique — sui generis. Many failed to see the Revolution as a phenomenon that is to be understood and comprehended from within its own dynamics and on its own terms, rather than in terms of mere Western social science categories, insightful as they may be. Consequently, varied designations were and continue to be attributed to the Iranian regime ranging from it being a form of anachronistic theocracy, to being pejoratively referred to as the rule of the mullahs or a religious dictatorship.

    Yet at the heart of this Islamic phenomenon is a creative theory of government and leadership which sought to tackle the recurring issue of legitimacy and the question of who is entitled to rule

  • 133.
    Schimana, Fredrik
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Om du vill ha fred, förbered dig på krig: en studie i den militära styrkans betydelse2005Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor)Student thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats kretsar kring att pröva hur en av de främsta företrädarna för den realistiska skolan, förklarar de amerikanska anfallen mot Afghanistan (2001) och Irak (2003). Hans namn är Robert Kagan och uppsatsen syftar till ge en realists tolkning till varför USA handlade som man gjorde. Man måste därför försöka uppfatta världen utifrån USA:s horisont och försöka tolka samt sätta sig in i den amerikanska positionen på den internationella arenan. Problemformuleringarna kretsar kring att få insikt i grundstenarna i Kagans teori, samt hur Kagans grundsyn skiljer sig gentemot den idealistiska. Vidare hur USA:s militära styrka, enligt Kagan, påverkar dess beteende på den internationella arenan, men även hur Kagan ser på USA:s kommande globala engagemang. Robert Kagans bok Om paradiset och makten USA och Europa i den nya världsordningen kommer att utgöra fundamentet i studien. I boken kretsar bl.a. Kagans resonemang kring att USA och Europa distanserar från varandra, men även kring militär styrka. Därför ger boken oss en väldigt bra bild av USA:s position på den internationella arenan. Kagans resonemang vävs sedan ihop med kritik, realism, idealism och geopolitik. Slutsatsen blir att grundstenarna i Kagans resonemang återfinns i den s.k. realismteorin, men även till viss del i geopolitiken. Han sätter stor vikt vid militära medel och ser staterna som de mest betydelsefulla aktörerna, samt ser världen som allmänt hotfull. Han realistiska resonemang grundas på amerikanska spelregler och ledarskap på den internationella arenan. Skillnaden mellan Kagans grundsyn och den idealistiska bottnar främst i idealisternas fokusering på integration mellan stater. Vidare att de sätter tilltro till internationell rätt, samt har ett mer multilateralt förhållningssätt till omvärlden. Kagan menar vidare att starka stater är mer villiga att använda tvång och hot i internationella relationer. De bedömer dessutom hot och risker annorlunda jämfört med svagare stater. Enligt Kagan beter sig USA som en internationell sheriff på den globala arenan och beteendet bottnar i militär styrka. Vidare anser Kagan att USA har haft samma kurs i flera århundraden. USA har expanderat in i Europa och Asien och aldrig dragit sig tillbaka. Man hade redan före den 11 september 2001 fokuserat på Kina som motspelare. Dessutom, menar Kagan, att USA varit villiga att satsa på ny militär teknik, vilken kan förändra krigföringen. Han skriver även att både Clinton och Bushadministrationen varit grundade på att USA är en nödvändig nation, samt att amerikaner vill beskydda och sprida det liberala systemet i världen.

  • 134.
    Schmidt-Felzmann, Anke
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ryssland och EU i den nya globala maktbalansen2014In: EU och de globala obalanserna: Europaperspektiv 2014 / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Lars Oxelheim, Thomas Persson, Falun: Santérus , 2014, 1, p. 239-274Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 135.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur?: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder2008In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 141-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

  • 136.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Dilemmas of Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2008In: Nordic Political Science Association (NOPSA) Conference, Tromsö, 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 137.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Från sovjetrepublik till presidentdiktatur2008In: Samtidigt i Vitryssland / [ed] Eriksson, Ulrika, Stockholm: KIC , 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 138.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Individer, inte partier!: Politikens presidentialisering och starka politiska ledare2010In: Politik, protest, populism: Deltagande på nya villkor / [ed] Ekman, Joakim; Linde, Jonas, Malmö: Liber , 2010, p. 225-252Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 139.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Issues of Regime Change and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 140.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Party presidentialization in Ukraine2015In: The presidentialization of political parties: organizations, institutions and leaders / [ed] Gianluca Passarelli, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, p. 124-141Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book considers why the level of party presidentialization varies from one country to another, and how constitutional structures and party genetics affect both the level and the degree it is present. Presenting an international collection of case studies from the US, Latin America, Australia, Japan and Europe, including France, Italy, Germany, Poland and the Ukraine, it examines how the presence of presidential features in political parties varies in terms of the constitutional framework. Highlights the importance of institutions in political life, the case studies provide empirical evidence that no stable presidentialization is possible outside regimes where a presidential dynamic is introduced by the institutions.

  • 141.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Presidentmakt och parlamentarism i Östeuropa2009In: Det nya Östeuropa - stat och nation i förändring / [ed] Björklund, Fredrika; Rodin, Johnny, Lund: Studentlitteratur , 2009, p. 379-408Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 142.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Pro-premiär eller pro-president?: Om distinktionen mellan parlamentarism, presidentialism och semi-presidentialism2002In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 105, no 4, p. 273-295Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Propremiar or pro-president? On the distinction between parliamentarism, presitentialism and semi-presidentialism. From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (presidentparliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.

  • 143.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Recension av Russisk Politikk2014In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 28, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 144.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Regime Dynamics and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 145.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Review: Cohabitation and conflicting politics in French policymaking2016In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 905-906Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 146.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidential Perils: Trends and Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict in Eastern Europe2009In: Statsvetenskapliga förbundets årsmöte 2009, Örebro, 2009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 147.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-presidential shifts in Ukraine: institutional perils and party presidentialization2015Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 148.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidentialism and Governability in Transitional Regimes: Final Project Report2019Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report summarises general findings and lists the bulk of publications of a three year project "Semi-Presidentialism and Governability in Transitional Regimes" financed by the Swedish Research Council and Dalarna University 2015-2018. The report also includes an abstract in Swedish. A final and signed version of this report was submitted to the Swedish Research Council by early March 2019.

  • 149.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers: Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 150.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers: Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2008Book (Other academic)
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