du.sePublications
Change search
Refine search result
1234 151 - 194 of 194
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • chicago-author-date
  • chicago-note-bibliography
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 151.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ukrainas konstitutionella sicksackande: Regimförändring och partiutveckling under semipresidentialism2016In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 30, no 1, p. 18-37Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

  • 152.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet.
    Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism2012In: Baltic Journal of Law and Politics, ISSN 2029-0454, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 20-45Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

  • 153.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Intra-Executive Conflict and Cabinet Instability: Effects of Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2010In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 45, no 4, p. 505-530Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 154.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Politiska utmaningar: Demokratienkäten 20042010In: Partnerskap för hållbar välfärdsutveckling: utveckling och forskning under sex år i fyra städer. / [ed] Eriksson, Charli, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 155.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Sandberg, Andreas
    Välfärdsutveckling på stadsdelsnivå: Baronbackarna i Örebro, Dalhem i Helsingborg, Hageby i Norrköping och Pettersberg i Västerås2007Report (Other academic)
  • 156.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unpacking Semi-Presidentialism: Government performance and democracy in four different regime types2016In: Swepsa 2016, 2016Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become a widespread choice among constitution makers around the world. Elgie (1999) defines semi-presidentialism as a system where the constitution includes both a popularly elected president and a prime minister and cabinet accountable to the parliament. With his inclusive definition there are 53 countries with a semi-presidential constitution. The aim of this paper is two-folded. First, we want to demonstrate the empirically value of using the distinction between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. Second, by using indicators on regime performance and democracy from the QoG dataset on 173 countries, we examine the performance records of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. This is done in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. We find a manifest difference between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism. While premier-presidential regimes have performance records close to parliamentary regimes, president-parliamentary regimes display performance records more similar to pure presidentialism, and it performs even worse on most indicators.

  • 157.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unravelling Semi-Presidentialism: Democracy and Government Performance in Four Distinct Regime Types2018In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 136-157Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analyzed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential sub-types in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.

  • 158.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    A Troubled Tandem?: Character and Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict under Semi-Presidentialism2012Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 159.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    Twenty Years of Semi-Presidentialism: Intra-Executive Conflict in Eastern Europe 1991-20102011In: CBEES: Political Leadership and Changes of Power in the Baltic Sea Region, Södertörns högskola, 2011Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 160.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Kiev.
    Two Decades of Semi-Presidentialism: Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict in Central and Eastern Europe 1991-20112013In: East European Politics, ISSN 2159-9165, E-ISSN 2159-9173, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 109-134Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become an increasingly popular form of government worldwide and has emerged as the most common regime type in Central and Eastern Europe and among the post-Soviet states. An often identified - although rarely empirically addressed - peril of semi-presidentialism is the risk of intra-executive struggles between the president and prime minister. This study analysis the trend and issues of intra-executive conflicts in eight semi-presidential (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary) countries in Central and Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. By utilising expert survey data as well as indicators derived from documentary and literature analysis, 76 instances of intra-executive (president–cabinet) coexistences between 1991 and 2011 are examined. The results show that intra-executive conflict has been a frequently occurring phenomenon under both types of semi-presidentialism, and one that has persisted on similar levels throughout the post-communist era. In addition, and quite unexpectedly, we find that the character of conflicts have only slightly changed from being predominantly power struggles over formal rules and competences to being more issue specific and policy oriented.

  • 161.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sandberg, Andreas
    Eriksson, Charli
    Indikatorer för hållbar välfärdsutveckling på stadsdelsnivå2010In: Partnerskap för hållbar välfärdsutveckling: utveckling och forskning under sex år i fyra städer / [ed] Eriksson, Charli, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 162.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eastern Europe’s semi-presidential regimes2018In: The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics / [ed] Adam Fagan and Petr Kopecky, London: Routledge, 2018, p. 67-81Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 163.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidential Systems2019In: Oxford Bibliographies: Political ScienceArticle, review/survey (Refereed)
  • 164.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åström, Joachim
    E-deltagande som medborgerligt och politiskt projekt2011In: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Hellberg, Ann-Sofie m.fl, Örebro universitet , 2011Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 165. Silander, Daniel
    et al.
    Öhlén, MatsDalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Svensk politik och EU: Hur svensk politik har förändrats av medlemskapet i2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 166.
    Simberg, Erik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    DEN NYA SOCIALDEMOKRATISKA VÄLJARKÅREN: En statistisk klassanalys av den socialdemokratiska väljarkåren under 46 år2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay sets out to describe the changes of social class distribution and the meaning of class in the electorate of the Swedish social democrats from the start of the second half of the 20th century until today. The purpose is to see if a traditional political left/right perspective is still a relevant way of seeing and describing the electorate of the Swedish social democrats.

    The method chosen to answer this question is a statistical class analysis which is applied on Swedish election studies from 1964-2010. This essay differentiates between objective class and subjective class. Objective class is based on a division of occupation while subjective class is based the individual class experience.

    The essay concludes that changes have indeed occurred in both class distribution and in the meaning of class for the electorate of the Swedish social democrats. The traditional left/right perspective is still valid and class has still a part to play in explaining the voting behaviour of the Swedish social democrats electorate. But its validity of the traditional left/right perspective and the explanatory power has weakened during the last 50 years, which suggests that other political perspectives is needed today to more fully understand both the electorate of the Swedish social democrats and the Swedish electorate as a whole.

  • 167. Sirovátka, Tomáš
    et al.
    Hora, Ondrej
    Horáková, Markéta
    Klimplová, Lenka
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Rákoczyová, Miroslava
    Winkler, Jirí
    Sociální zaclenování v Ceské republice: evropská a ceská agenda?: Social inclusion in the Czech Republic: European and Czech agenda?2006In: Studie CESES, ISSN 1801-1640, no 3, p. 55-77Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 168.
    Sjöberg, Emma
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    EU:s medborgarinitiativ- Demokratisk innovation eller skendemokrati?2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Utifrån diskussionen om EU:s demokratiska underskott fanns en ambition från EU:s sida att öka öppenheten och medborgarnas makt när man 2009 införde Lissabonfördraget. I och med detta infördes även medborgarinitiativet som fick sina riktlinjer 2012, där målet var att öka medborgarnas politiska engagemang och öppna upp för möjligheten för diskussioner mellan medborgarna och kommissionen. Syftet med denna undersökning är att kritiskt diskutera EU:s medborgarinitiativ för att se vilken påverkan det har på EU:s demokratiska underskott. Med hjälp av teorin kring deltagardemokrati undersöks två perspektiv, nämligen medborgarinitiativets påverkan på EU:s politik och på medborgarnas politiska deltagande. Metoden som används i undersökningen är en beskrivande fallstudie. Utifrån teorin om deltagardemokrati har negativa och positiva förväntade konsekvenser av deltagardemokratin lyfts fram och jämförts med resultatet från undersökningen. Resultatet visar att medborgarinitiativet inte har lett fram till att kommissionen lagt fram några nya lagförslag men att man i vissa fall har vidtagit vissa politiska åtgärder. Gällande medborgarnas politiska engagemang så har valdeltagandet fortsatt att minska och endast ett fåtal av EU:s medborgare har på något vis engagerat sig i något medborgarinitiativ. Utifrån detta kan man konstatera att medborgarinitiativet haft en ytterst liten påverkan på EU:s demokrati, men att det är ett relativt nytt verktyg och bör därför kanske inte dömas ut riktigt än.

  • 169.
    Stomberg, Patrik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Depiction of Crime in School Literature: School as an agent of political socialization2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    School is commissioned by the Swedish National Agency for Education (“Skolverket”)

    to impart democratic values, communicate information based on scientific grounds and

    encourage students to form personal views. What does this mean when school teaches

    about complex societal issues which, when dealt with in real life, are loaded with

    ideology and political opinions?

    This study places the politically loaded subject of crime in the context of school as an

    agent of political socialization. A content analysis is executed of contemporary

    literature intended for the teaching of social sciences in Swedish Upper Secondary

    School. The questions asked are whether any ideological bias may be observed in the

    depiction of crime and if the literature complies with what school should comply with

    based on the guidelines issued by the Swedish National Agency for Education. The

    analysis is made along a spectrum ranging from the view that crime is mainly

    conditioned by society to the view that crime mainly is a matter of individual traits.

    Simplified, these ideas correspond to the views of the political left and the political

    right respectively.

    It is concluded that the literature generally complies with the guidelines but with some

    reservations. The ideological center of gravity varies between books. It also stands clear

    that different authors make different choices regarding what to include in the limited

    space a chapter of a book allows. This may influence the overall impression of the

    matter. A final reflection is to which extent school literature should reflect the

    mainstream currents in society in relation to the view sustained within academia, in the

    case a discrepancy exists.

  • 170.
    Ström, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Nya utmanare – nya strategier?: Etablerade partier bemöter ny konkurrens2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the strategic choice of mainstream parties in relation to the competition of voters posed by a niche party and their most important issue, in this case radicalist rightwing populists and the migration issue. The study uses a comparative approach to examine the mainstream parties Social Democrats and Moderates reaction to the niche parties New Democracy 1991-1994 and Sweden Democrats 2010-2015. Using Meguid´s PSO-theory and by performing an qualitative analyse of the parties rhetoric and political suggestions in the parliamentary debates as well as in government bills and reservations in committee reports, the study aims to describe mainstream parties position on the issue and if and how they change position and strategy. The results of the study shows that both mainstream parties over all applies an adversarial strategy, aiming to maintain distance to the niche party and its position but with time and due to changes in the political environment, changes in position and strategy takes place and the mainstream parties applies a slightly more accommodative strategy.

  • 171.
    Ström, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Nya utmanare – nya strategier?: Etablerade partier bemöter ny konkurrens2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the strategic choice of mainstream parties in relation to the competition of voters posed by a niche party and their most important issue, in this case radicalist rightwing populists and the migration issue. The study uses a comparative approach to examine the mainstream parties Social Democrats and Moderates reaction to the niche parties New Democracy 1991-1994 and Sweden Democrats 2010-2015. Using Meguid´s PSO-theory and by performing an qualitative analyse of the parties rhetoric and political suggestions in the parliamentary debates as well as in government bills and reservations in committee reports, the study aims to describe mainstream parties position on the issue and if and how they change position and strategy. The results of the study shows that both mainstream parties over all applies an adversarial strategy, aiming to maintain distance to the niche party and its position but with time and due to changes in the political environment, changes in position and strategy takes place and the mainstream parties applies a slightly more accommodative strategy.

  • 172.
    Suleimanpoor, Shoresh
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Maktdelning i Irak: en studie av hur etnisk och religiös splittring har hanterats institutionellt2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    År 2003 inträffade en stor händelse i Iraks historia: USA tillsammans med sina allierade invaderade Irak och eliminerade diktator Saddam Husseins regim. Denna händelse markerade slutet på en lång epok av diktatorstyre i landet, samtidigt som den blev början till en tid då landets heterogena samhälle, bestående av olika etniska och religiösa grupper manifesterade sig i form av många politiska partier eller koalitioner och gjorde anspråk på "sin del" av makten. I Irak försökte man skapa demokrati på ett konsensusorienterat sätt (konsensusdemokrati). Den typ av demokrati där tanken är att alla grupperna i samhället får möjligheten att vara delaktiga i fattandet av de besluten som berör dem och påverkar dem.

    Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att utforska och analysera de gällande maktdelningsprinciperna i Irak: institutionalisering av de etniska och religiösa uppdelningarna med tanke på grundläggande demokratiska principer såsom representation och inkludering.

    Metoden som tillämpas i denna studie är i huvudsak teorikonsumerande fallstudie, där Arend Lijpharts teori om konsensusdemokrati konsumeras genom att applicera den på studiens enskilda fall, Irak, och med hjälp av teorin förklara det som händer eller pågår i Irak efter 2003.

    I denna uppsats studeras både den formella och den praktiska maktdelningen.

    Resultatet av denna studie visar att alla betydande politiska aktörer i Irak är knutna till någon etnisk eller religiös grupp. Det finns många partier och koalitioner inom varje etnisk eller religiös grupp, men någon eller några gränsöverskridande partier finns inte. Uppsatsen visar att i ganska stor utsträckning Lijpharts teori om konsensusdemokrati är implementerade i den irakiska konstitutionen, att de politiska institutionerna på nationell nivå är organiserade så att de etniska och religiösa grupperna representeras och även i stor utsträckning kan Iraks institutionella organisering kopplas till Lijpharts rekommendationer om konsensusorienterade (consociational) institutioner för delade samhällen. Men trotts allt detta Irak är långt ifrån att vara en stabil demokrati.

    Lijpharts konsensusdemokratis teoretiska bakgrund är byggd på västerländska konsensusdemokratier som är svårjämförbara med det irakiska samhället. 3

    Den här studien visar att i försöket att bygga en konsensusdemokrati i Irak har hänsyn inte tagits till de historiska och kulturella förutsättningarna för upprättande av en sådan demokrati. Där fokuserades i stort sätt bara på bildande av styrande organisationer utan hänsyn till den dominerande politiska kulturen och underliggande samhällsstrukturer.

  • 173.
    Svensson, Maria
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Spratly Islands: A Symbol of China’s Aspiration for Regional Hegemony?2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this thesis is to study, unpack and analyze the meaning behind the Chinese leaders’ discourse and their actions in relation to the Spratly Islands in order to explore and explain how and why this case could be seen as a symbol of China’s strive for regional hegemony. The case of Spratly Islands is used since it is an important case from an international relations perspective for two key reasons. The first is that these Islands are claimed by six countries in Asia. This fact makes it a regionally important case, especially from the study of great power behavior in relation to smaller and weaker states. The second reason is the spillover into the global political arena, which makes it an important case in terms of balance of power.

    The chosen research method i.e. discourse analysis has been a valuable tool to use since it has enabled a comprehensive and holistic analysis of the case. The frameworks of realism and constructivism have been applied to interpret China’s discourse and behavior in the case of Spratly Islands. Both frameworks have proven to be highly applicable.

    The overall conclusion of this thesis is that the case of Spratly Islands can, from an international relations perspective, be seen as a clear symbol of China's aspiration for regional hegemony.

  • 174.
    Tawat, Mahama
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Multiculturalism and Policymaking: A comparative study of Danish and Swedish cultural policies since 19692006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years))Student thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This master’s thesis deals with the cultural diversity policies of Denmark and Sweden within the cultural sector. It attempts at explaining why these two “most-similar” scandinavian countries having in common the same cultural model, “the architect model”, opted for different policies when it came to cultural diversity: Assimilationism for Denmark and multiculturalism for Sweden. I show that though institutional and power-interest factors had an impact, ideas as “programmatic beliefs” (Sheri E. Berman 2001) or “frames” (Erik Bleich 2003) played the ultimate role. I evaluate their relative importance by analyzing the anthropological dimension of the countries cultural policies since 1969. The study confirms that at least in the cultural sector, Danish policies have been assimilationist and Swedish ones multiculturalist and proposes a new classification of terms. By investigating immigrants cultures, it fills a gap left by previous researchers working on a common Nordic cultural model.

  • 175.
    Tronstad, Magnus
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Big Crunch: A Mapping of the Swedish Party System from 1991 to 20102016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research claims that there has been a narrowing of distance between the

    Swedish political parties. Typically, such research into political distance has primarily

    focused on studying voters rather than the political parties themselves. In this article, the

    author conducts a longitudinal analysis of Comparative Manifesto Project data to

    determine if, and to what extent, the political parties have converged ideologically on a

    Left-Right continuum in the period 1991-2010. After first unraveling the concept of

    political distance, the author moves on to explain why the ideological dispersion of

    political parties is an important and consequential characteristic within party systems.

    Furthermore, the author argues that the Left-Right ideological scale continues to be a

    highly useful model with which to conceptualize and study this characteristic. The

    author then discusses the methodological approach and explains why quantitative

    manifesto data, often overlooked in favor of voter interview data, is deemed a valid and

    reliable material for measuring the ideological positions of political parties. The

    findings are that there indeed have been over all tendencies of ideological convergence

    between the blocs and that, in terms of how political parties are dispersed on a Left-

    Right ideological continuum, by 2010, the Swedish party system (the Sweden

    Democrats excluded) had become much less polarized than it had been in 1991.

  • 176.
    Tsokanis, Erato
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Vilka är Sverigedemokraterna?: En studie om DN:s ledarsidors framställning av partiet under tre tidsperioder2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Sverigedemokraterna blir kallade för rasister, populister, högerextremister samtidigt som deras parti växer ifatt de andra etablerade partierna. Under riksdagsvalet 2010 visades sig att SD hade ett starkt väljarstöd trots de negativa beskrivningarna. Syftet med den här studien är att granska hur Dagens Nyheter skildrar Sverigedemokraterna som parti och deras politik. Avsikten är att studera ledarsidornas gestaltning av partiet i tre olika tidsperioder (2008–2009, 2012–2013 och 2016–2017) utifrån gestaltnings- och dagordningsteorin. Genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys och idéanalys så har jag granskat hur DN skildrar partiet och åskådliggjort ett par återkommande teman. I studiens resultat framgår det att Sverigedemokraterna gestaltas som både ett rasistiskt och opålitligt parti. Dessutom framkommer det att SD:s politik skildras som en opportunistisk strävan till att öka sitt inflytande inom partipolitiken. Det framgår stora likheter i skildringen av Sverigedemokraterna i de olika tidsperioderna.

  • 177.
    Unosson, Ingmar
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Kommunal samverkan: fallstudie kommunal räddningstjänst2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna uppsats behandlar kommunal samverkan. En kommunal verksamhet, räddningstjänsten, har valts för att undersöka om statistiskt går att fastställa om samverkan mellan kommuner påverkar kostnaden och kvalitén i verksamheten. Genom att definiera och analysera kostnads och kvalitetsvariabler för räddningstjänsten undersöks om det finns skillnader mellan tre olika sätt att organisera den kommunala räddningstjänsten. De tre organisationsformerna speglar tre sätt att förhålla sig till samverkan. Den första gruppen av kommuner är de som valt ett offentligträttsligt samarbete såsom kommunalförbund eller gemensam nämnd. Den andra är de kommuner som genom avtal valt att dela på räddningschefstjänsten och den tredje är de kommuner som bedriver räddningstjänsten i egen regi.

    Uppsatsen inleds med en bakgrundsbeskrivning kring kommunal samverkan generellt och räddningstjänstsamverkan specifikt. Hur samverkan historiskt har utvecklats belyses. De fördelar med kommunal samverkan som förs fram i litteraturen beskrivs och utgör grund för de analyser som utförs i uppsatsens senare delar. Det som särskilt lyfts fram är kommunernas långtgående möjligheter att samverka inom olika administrativa områden i motsats till de geografiska områden en kommun utgör. När det gäller fördelar innehåller det flera komponenter med det kan sammanfattas med resurseffektivisering som huvudmotiv för kommunal samverkan.

    Efter den teoretiska beskrivningen av samverkan definieras kvantitativa variabler som beskriver nettokostnad och kvalitet för den kommunala räddningstjänstverksamheten. Variablerna hämtas ur Sveriges kommuner och landstings officiella databas Kolada. Variablernas koppling till kvalitetsbegrepp i lagstiftningen beskrivs. Variablernas validitet och reliabilitet samt hur detta påverkar resultatet diskuteras.

    Efter de statistiska analyserna förs ett resonemang kring tolkningar av resultatet och hur detta relaterar till hur samverkan beskrivs i de källor som använts i inledningen av uppsatsen. Uppsatsens slutsatser är att det är möjligt att statistiskt säkerställa att offentligrättsligt samarbete, som kan jämställas med det mest långtgående samverkan mellan två eller flera kommuner, medför lägre nettokostnader för räddningstjänsten än om verksamheten bedrivs i egen regi. När det gäller kvalitén kan det konstateras att trots de lägre kostnaderna så erbjuder det offentligrättsliga samarbetet en om inte högre så åtminstone likvärdig kvalitet som räddningstjänster i egen regi.

  • 178.
    Vesterholm, Angelica
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Integrationspolitik genom samverkan: En studie av det regionala samverkansprojektet ”Vägen in” i Dalarna med fokus på Falu kommun2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The integration policy is a changing policy area that also indirectly affects many other policy areas. Within the integration policy, there is no clear steering from the national government and responsibility is divided between municipalities and regions. The Dalarna Region together with the County Administrative Board runs the agreement "Vägen in", which is a regional collaboration project in Dalarna, which is based on networks. Governance is a form of collaborative model that is becoming increasingly common in today's society in order to handle complex societal problems, previous research shows that there is a democratic problem in governance, while others argue that the governance model can be seen as something necessary and from other perspectives more democratic.

    The purpose of this study based on interviews of involved actors in the "Vägen in" project with a focus on Falu municipality, is to find out how collaboration works within the regional collaboration project. The study's questions also concern positive aspects for involved actors and challenges that exist with collaboration management. It is about added value for every involved actor. Governance can in many ways be seen as positive for managing the challenge of integration.

    There is a democratic problem within governance as a collaboration model, which is about lacking a democratic representation in the execution of the policy. However, this can be legitimized on the basis of other mechanisms. However, a risk with the collaboration model seems to be that the network becomes brittle and personal, and that there is a political ambiguity.

  • 179.
    von Seth, Martina
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Botswana – en legitim elitistisk demokrati?: En studie av Botswana som avvikande fall i Afrika söder om Sahara2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this essay is to illustrate the deviant case of Botswana compared to the region of

    Sub-Saharan Africa. With the unique transition towards democracy without suffering any

    backlashes, Botswana stand out and is termed a success story in the African region. This

    single-country study sets out to determine the significance of leadership in the process

    towards democracy, together with finding out the strengths and weaknesses this leadership

    have generated over time. Also the possible link between national unity and democratization

    will be examined. The results that emerge confirm that the political elite has been a major part

    of the democratic success Botswana experienced. This derives to first, the pre-colonial

    structure where the cooperative traditional leaders actions were vital and bodies, as the Kgotla

    assembly was the foundation of democratic institutions. Second, the importance of the

    political elite cooperating and performing including policies during the period of decolonization

    and the beginning of the transition. Third, the elites management of the natural

    resources that contributed to economic growth favoured the majority’s wealth that legitimized

    the elite party. Moreover, Botswana’s homogenous social structure and the notion of demos

    have contributed to forming a political community that resulted in national unity and has

    proven to be fundamental to initiate the transition towards democracy. Finally the elite

    leadership strength and weaknesses are determined by the democratic values reflected of the

    elite. In early Botswana the elite was aiming for democracy that made the so-called elite

    democracy legitimate. The past years has shown a changed towards a neo-patrimonial

    structure not in favour for the majority and therefore cannot be legitimized.

  • 180.
    Wallén, Daniel
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sweden´s moral responsibility to protect Romanian victims of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Sweden2018Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Trafficking in persons is a serious crime and a serious violation of human rights. Every year, thousands of men, women and children fall into the hands of traffickers, in their own countries and abroad. Trafficking in human beings (THB) can be about forced labour, sexual slavery and/or commercial sexual exploitation, but this this paper focuses on the latter category. One country in Eastern Europe with an exceptionally high proportion of women and children trafficked into Sweden each year is Romania. The purpose of the following study is therefore to investigate what moral responsibility – if any – Sweden has to protect the female part of the victims from Romania being trafficked for sexual purposes in Sweden. They are not Swedish citizens, and that makes it a complicated question. In making an effort to come up with answers, we will have a look at what Sweden is doing for these people today, and what the options look like going forward, if indeed the responsibilty is ours. This is an academic thesis with one normative and one empirical aspect. Normative theoretical principles of global justice, ethics and human dignity from American philosopher Martha Nussbaum are tested on an empirical problem; a case study about the situation for Romanian trafficking victims in Sweden and Norway. Apart from the theory and case study, I have exclusively used applied ethics, secondary sources and an analytical tool to analyze and dissect the problem, reaching the conclusion that Sweden does have a moral responsibility, and that we therefore should continue to work in these people´s favour. However, more so that now by assisting solution solving in Romania, where the biggest problems exist and the best solutions can be expected, if handled intelligently and with ethics in mind.

  • 181.
    Waltersdottir, Gina
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Donald Trump och eventuell democratic backsliding i USA?: Hur valet 2016 omformade amerikansk politik2019Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Den liberala demokratin är inte samma självklara väg framåt som tidigare ansågs. Democratic backsliding är numera ett reellt hot även mot västerländska, konsoliderade, liberala demokratier som själva ägnar sig åt democracy promotion utanför sina landsgränser. Den troligen största democracy promotorn över tid är USA som efter 2016 års val inte har varit förskonat från ovanstående trend. USA faller i alla de större demokratiska indexen sedan 2016 och har tappat avsevärt många placeringar i somliga av dem. Det är inte orimligt att hävda att USA befinner sig i en demokratisk recession.

    Uppsatsens avsikt är att undersöka vilka eventuella liberala demokratiproblem som uppstått i och med valet av Donald Trump samt hur eventuella förekommande liberaldemokratiska problem kan anses utgöra en trend till s.k. democratic backsliding i USA. Denna undersökning sker i breda drag genom en teorikonsumerande kvalitativ fallstudie för att kunna besvara denna studies forskningsfråga; dvs. vad som sker på olika plan med liberala demokratiska principer och institutioner i USA och om det kan anses utgöra en trend av democratic backsliding. Innehållet i de texter som har valts ut kommer att analyseras och redovisas, samt kommer den politik och de ageranden som har förts/gjorts från januari 2017 fram till skrivande stund av Donald Trump att presenteras och med grund i det teoretiska ramverket undersöks och analyseras huruvida USA’s demokrati urholkas samt om det finns en eller flera trender till democratic backsliding.

    Utifrån det empiriska materialet och valda teorier utmynnar studiens slutsatser i att USA genomgår en trend till democratic backsliding, då särskilt under åren 2017- 2019. Visserligen är det fråga om en mildare mildare form av sådan än så länge, dock finns trenden där. De inbyggda mekanismerna för maktdelning, checks and balances och fri media är till viss del underminerade eller försvagade. De slutsatser man kan dra av detta arbete är något nedslående och bådar inte väl för den västerländska demokratins återhämtning från den allt djupnande kris den för närvarande befinner sig i. Det är emellertid något problematiskt att uppmäta democratic backsliding då vilka resultat en sådan studie får är avhängande vilken definition av demokrati som läggs till grund för studien därav bör viss försiktighet iakttas vid läsandet av studiens slutsatser.

  • 182. Winkler, Jirí
    et al.
    Klimplová, Lenka
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Žižlavský, Martin
    Úcelové programy na lokálních trzích práce. Jejich význam, potrebnost a realizace: Specific local employment programmes. Their meaning, needs and realization2005Book (Other academic)
  • 183.
    Yosufi, Jalal
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Vänsterpartiet och kommunismen: En idealtypsanalys av partiets principprogram och partiledarens tal mellan 1987 och 20162017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay will address the question of the extent and the way in which the communist ideology is expressed in the left party of Sweden from 1987 until 2016. Before the 1990s, the party was called Left party communists (VPK) in order not to be connected with communism and the Soviet Union and the party had to modernize and become independent, therefore the party had to change their name to left-party (V). This Ideological development has been studied through the ideal type analysis based on the key variables found in the communist ideology and comparing it with the party programs and party leader's speech to answer the main question. It will also present what other left-wing ideologies are expressed and what significance they have had for the party's ideological alignment today.

  • 184.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science. Örebro Universitet.
    Imitating the neighbors? : A multinominal logistic regression analysis of regime type choices as related to time and space.2017Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 185.
    Åberg, Jenny
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A Structured Review of Semi-Presidential Studies: Debates, Results, and Missing Pieces2018In: British Journal of Political Science, ISSN 0007-1234, E-ISSN 1469-2112Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This study maps the general lines of semi-presidential research with regard to theory, topics and methods. It identifies research gaps and provides recommendations for future studies. The review includes a general screening of 327 publications covering the period 1970–2015, and a close reading of sixty-five selected publications. The findings suggest that the inconsistent use of regime type definitions has limited the possibilities for generalizations. The study tracks the influence of some seminal articles, as well as the recent trend of focusing on the role and powers of the president. The article calls for more studies beyond Europe, and suggests that the field would benefit from including Historical and Normative Institutionalism. Finally, it suggests the need for studies on public administration that are relevant to the functioning of semi-presidential government.

  • 186.
    Åberg, Jenny
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    A Systematic Review of Semi-Presidential Studies: Struggling to Move beyond Linz2016Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 187.
    Åberg, Jenny
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Studying semi-presidentialism: A systematic review of research directions and future challenges2016Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 188.
    Ågren, Henrik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Folkets vilja vs. mänskliga rättigheter: Implementeringen av folkliga initiativ i Schweiz2014Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years, the Swiss people have voted in favour of a couple of popular initiatives that are incompatible with the human rights. This development puts the government and the parliament in a problematic situation as they are responsible for the implementation of the initiatives and have to choose between the conflicting interests. Thus, the main purpose of this thesis was to examine whether such popular initiatives are implemented in a democratically legitimate way. This examination was made as a case study of those three initiatives that most manifestly have been incompatible with the human rights. The results were diverse and there did not seem to be any clear pattern in the way the popular will and the human rights were taken into account during the implementation. The conclusion is that the parliament and the government try to consider human rights, even at the expense of the popular will. However, due to the circumstances in the specific case, they sometimes consider the popular will to a greater extent, which increases the obtained level of democratic legitimacy.

  • 189.
    Åkerfeldt, Adam
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Consociational democracy in theory and practice: A comparative case study of Rwanda and Burundi on power-sharing in state-building peace-agreements2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    Consociational democracy as the goal and a tool in mitigating conflict in the Third World has been frequently used during the last decades, especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. The results are ambiguous. The aim of this comparative case study is to examine the Arusha Accords of Rwanda signed August 3, 1993, and the Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement for Burundi of August 28, 2000, in relation to the elements and favorable conditions of Arend Lijphart’s theory on Consociational Democracy as presented in "Democracy in Plural Societies" 1977. The study concludes that the slightly different conditions in the cases, Rwanda and Burundi, both historical and contemporary had potential effects on the diverging outcome of the cases. The major difference between the cases was, however, the different ways the agreements handled the overshadowing main cleavage of ethnicity, which according to Lijphart is crucial.

  • 190. Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Representativ demokrati 2.0: En utvärdering av Malmöinitiativet och Malmöpanelen2010Report (Other academic)
  • 191.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ekman, Joakim, Linde, Jonas & Sedelius, Thomas, 2014. Demokratiseringsprocesser: nya perspektiv och utmaningar. Lund: Studentlitteratur.: Anmälan av Mats Öhlén2014In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, no 4, p. 513-517Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 192.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The influence of EU membership on Sweden’s political parties and party system: a preliminary research design2015Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 193.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Karlsson, Karlsson
    Örebro universitet.
    Ideologisk konvergens mellan öst och väst?: De europeiska partifamiljerna 1990-20132015In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 167-189Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper we compare ideological positions of political parties in Eastern and Western Europe. As the Communist regimes collapsed and new democracies began to emerge in Eastern Europe, it became obvious that historical and cultural differences existed in relation to Western Europe. This was not least visible among the political parties. When the West European parties initiated contacts with potential sister parties in the East, noticeable differences were revealed in several issues. In general, the eastern parties appeared to be more nationalist, more populist and less tolerant towards minorities than their Western sister parties. The question raised in this paper is whether these differences, have faded or not during the 25-year period after 1989. In order to perform this analysis, the three largest and most influential party families are selected: the Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. Departing from election manifesto data compiled by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we have performed a time series analysis ranging from 1990 to 2013. Here, the Eastern parties are compared to their Western sister parties within each party family. Firstly, they are compared along the general left-right dimension, and secondly they are compared in specific issues, which have been conceived as delicate matter: the view on the EU, nationalism and view on multiculturalism.

  • 194.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet.
    East-West convergence or divergence?: The (possible) influence of the European People’s Party on affiliated parties in Central and Eastern Europe 1990-20142018Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the (possible) ideological influence of Europarties on their member parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus of the study is the Christian democratic European People’s Party (EPP) and the main theoretical point of departure is the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The analysis is based on elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2015. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence (or divergence) between the Western and Eastern EPP-affiliated parties and to evaluate the extent of influence that the EPP has exerted on Christian democratic and conservative parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis is based on a mean-value comparison of the West European member parties and the affiliated parties from post-communist countries when it comes to Left-Right positions and issue specific positions. Furthermore the analysis is complemented with in-depth analysis of specific cases. Finally the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence and Europarty influence.

1234 151 - 194 of 194
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • chicago-author-date
  • chicago-note-bibliography
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf