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  • 151.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Andrew Hammond (2012). The Islamic Utopia: The Illusion of Reform in Saudi Arabia2014In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 3, p. 133-136Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 152.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Arab youth: Special mobilization in times of risk2013In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 24, no 3, p. 393-397Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 153.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Corruption, governance and collective sanctions:: can a wicked problem be tamed?2012In: Study of Changing Societies, ISSN 2225-2215, Vol. 1, no 6, p. 67-104Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 154.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of a changing world order: US strategy and the scramble for the Eurasian heartland2015In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 163-180Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    As the geopolitics of the twenty first century proceed to evolve and take shape, most significantly as pursued by the American insular superpower, global implications still remain opaque. Geopolitical theory allows for more transparency as it helps in observing continuities in US strategy and, in forming expectations about changing tactics and policies in the service of its durable strategic international and global concerns. It would further help offer deeper insights into how American decision-makers are likely to think and act in the post-Cold War era, and in explaining, understanding, and possibly reading and predicting U.S policies into the near future. It may then be possible to proceed to assess global implications and reactions of different actors in different regions of the World, particularly the Middle East and the Eurasian Heartland, to U.S constant parameters and changing variables, and perhaps observe early and subtle shifts in policy and political alignments as a result. 

  • 155.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Deception: Media, Framing and War by other Means2014Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields. It examines how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it attempts to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

    Beyond simply being an instrument of propagation and propaganda, media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as psychological and mental structures along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security structure. To the extent that media and war increasingly come to share symbiotic forms of strategic interaction, a symbiosis of soft power and hard power respectively, what evolves is a dynamic of framing — a scheme of comprehension that shapes the physical as well as mental and psychological boundaries and limitations of a group, audience or collectivity with or without them necessarily being aware of its structural impact.  This condition renders media a potential weapon of war in its own right equal in scope and dimension to those of the actual physical or military.

  • 156.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Geopolitics of Identity: Egypt's Lost Peace2017In: Contemporary Arab Affairs, ISSN 1755-0912, E-ISSN 1755-0920, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 51-92Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This monograph attempts to provide a conceptualization of Egypt's current predicaments by process-tracing historical critical junctures and sequences of causal mechanisms that contributed to bringing about the January 2011 events. Focusing on the period between the 1952 Revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser, until the events of 2011, it traces the developments and changing political and strategic trajectories of the three presidents Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak. The case of Egypt is examined here as ‘an instance of a class of events’ focusing on phenomena related to the tracing of causal factors and mechanisms leading to a particular outcome in January 25, 2011. It further links the uprising to that country’s 1979 'Peace Treaty' with Israel. This treaty de-securitized the latter, allowing it significant regional freedom of action, and had a causal effect on challenging Egypt's identity motivated action, contributing in the process to undermining its identity structure. An increasing awareness among many Egyptians of the link between the treaty and their identity formation, is one of the main reasons for summoning the legacy of Nasser as a source of 'ontological security'.

  • 157. Sabet, Amr
    Islam and the Political: Theory, Governance and International Relations2008Book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book compares Islamic and Western political formulations, highlighting areas of agreement and disparity. Building on this analysis, the author goes on to show that political Islam offers a serious alternative to the dominant political system and ideology of the West. Sabet argues that rather than leading to a "Clash of Civlizations" or the assimilation of Islam into the Western system, a positive process of interactive self-reflection between Islam and liberal democracy is the best way forward. Beginning this process, Sabet highlights key concepts of Islamic political thought and brings them into dialogue with Western modernity. The resulting synthesis is essential reading for advanced undergraduate and graduate students of Islamic and Middle Eastern politics, political theory, comparative politics and international relations.

  • 158.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Islam, Democracy, and Cosmopolitanism2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 32, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 159.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Madawi Al-Rashid (2013). A Most Masculine State: : Gender, Politics, and Religion in Saudi Arabia.2014In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 31, no 4, p. 114-117Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 160.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Media, Framing and War by Other Means2012Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Media has increasingly evolved into a power and security form of social and political organization. It has become a matter of high politics as it frames and re-frames perceptions, ideas as well as, psychological and mental structures, along lines that touch upon the very heart of a society’s or a country’s national security. This renders media a potential weapon of war much in its own right.

    This paper focuses on media and communicative framing within the context of strategy and strategic interaction as articulated by some major thinkers in both fields (e.g. Irving Goffman; Basil Liddell Hart). It will examine how informational virtual space, through a medium of strategic deception, constructs contextual frames or what may be called master frames, with the purpose of re-positioning an audience, through a process of conversion, in ways that elicit dynamics of fragmentary and oppositional social movements in the service of hegemonic geopolitical and security interests. In the process it will also attempt to shed light on the meaning and consequences of framing as a substantive form of political communication embedded in the indirect approach of war articulated by British strategist Basil Liddell Hart.

  • 161.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Monetary union in the gulf: prospects for a single currency in the Arabian peninsula2012In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 39, no 2, p. 288-290Article, book review (Refereed)
  • 162.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Muslims in global politics2011In: Journal of Islamic Studies, ISSN 0955-2340, E-ISSN 1471-6917, Vol. 22, no 3, p. 445-448Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 163.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Princes, Brokers, and Bureaucrats2014In: British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ISSN 1353-0194, E-ISSN 1469-3542, Vol. 42, no 4, p. 676-678Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 164.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Prophet Muhammad: Sultan of Hearts2015In: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0742-6763, Vol. 33, no 1, p. 129-129Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 165.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Taha J. Alalwani (2011). Apostasy in Islam2013In: The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, ISSN 0887-7653, Vol. 30, no 4, p. 109-111Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 166.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Inevitable Caliphate? 2016In: ReOrient, ISSN 2055-5601, Vol. 1, no 2, p. 228-232Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 167.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wickedness, Governance and Collective Sanctions:: Can Corruption be Tamed?2010In: Ethical Governance: a citizen perspective / [ed] Ari Salminen, Vaasa, Finland: Vaasa University Press. , 2010, p. 91-112Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Tackling a problem requires mostly, an ability to read it, conceptualize it, represent it, define it, and then applying the necessary mechanisms to solve it. This may sound self-evident except when the problem to be tackled happens to be “complex, “ “ill-structured,” and/or “wicked.” Corruption is one of those kinds of problems. Both in its global and national manifestations it is ill-structured. Where it is structural in nature, endemic and pervasive, it is perhaps even wicked. Qualities of the kind impose modest expectations regarding possibilities of any definitive solution to this insidious phenomenon. If so, it may not suffice to address the problem of corruption using existing categories of law and/or good governance, which overlook the “long-term memory” of the collective and cultural specific dimensions of the subject. Such socio-historical conditions require focusing on the interactive and self-reproducing networks of corruption and attempting to ‘subvert’ that phenomenon’s entire matrix. Concepts such as collective responsibility, collective punishment and sanctions are introduced as relevant categories in the structural, as well as behavioral, subversion of some of the most prevalent aspects of corruption. These concepts may help in the evolving of a new perspective on corruption fighting strategies.

  • 168.
    Sabet, Amr
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Wilayat al-Faqih and the meaning of Islamic government2014In: A Critical Introduction to Khomeini / [ed] Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, Cambridge University Press, 2014, p. 69-87Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The triumph of the Islamic revolution of Iran in February1979 baffled and continues to baffle many. The introduction of a religious dimension into contemporary politics challenged present day understandings of the human condition in ways that have called into question much of the basic modern premises of secularism. The Revolution tended to be perceived largely in light of the preconceptions and predispositions of observers rather than as something original and unique — sui generis. Many failed to see the Revolution as a phenomenon that is to be understood and comprehended from within its own dynamics and on its own terms, rather than in terms of mere Western social science categories, insightful as they may be. Consequently, varied designations were and continue to be attributed to the Iranian regime ranging from it being a form of anachronistic theocracy, to being pejoratively referred to as the rule of the mullahs or a religious dictatorship.

    Yet at the heart of this Islamic phenomenon is a creative theory of government and leadership which sought to tackle the recurring issue of legitimacy and the question of who is entitled to rule

  • 169.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    Czech Political Parties Prefer Male Candidates to Female Votes2003In: Women´s access to political power in post-communist Europe / [ed] Richard E. Matland and Kathleen A. Montgomery, Oxford: Oxford University Press , 2003Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 170.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    Gendering Family Policies in Post-Communist Europe: A Historical-Institutional Analysis2014Book (Refereed)
  • 171.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    Revolutionary Potential under Soviet-Type Regimes: The Role of Emotions in Explaining Transitions and Non-Transitions2013In: Emotions in Politics: The affect dimension in political tension / [ed] Nicolas Demertzi, Palgrave Macmillan, 2013Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 172.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    The Czech Republic before the new millennium2003Book (Refereed)
  • 173.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology. Masaryk University, Czech Republic.
    The Czech Road towards a Consolidated Democracy2003In: The road to the European Union. Vol. 1: The Czech and Slovak republics / [ed] Jacques Rupnik; Jan Zielonka, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003, p. 69-86Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 174.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology. Masaryk University, Czech Republic.
    The Influence of “Conservative” Organizations on Family Policies in Hungary and the Czech Republic2013In: Beyond NGO-ization: The Development of Social Movements in Central and Eastern Europe / [ed] Kertsin Jacobsson; Steven Saxonberg, Farnham: Ashgate, 2013, p. 97-115Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 175.
    Saxonberg, Steven
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Sociology.
    Transitions and Non-Transitions from Communism: Regime Survival in China, Cuba, North Korea, and Vietnam2013Book (Other academic)
  • 176.
    Schmidt-Felzmann, Anke
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ryssland och EU i den nya globala maktbalansen2014In: EU och de globala obalanserna: Europaperspektiv 2014 / [ed] Antonina Bakardjieva Engelbrekt, Lars Oxelheim, Thomas Persson, Falun: Santérus , 2014, 1, p. 239-274Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 177.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur?: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder2008In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 141-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

  • 178.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Issues of Regime Change and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 179.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Party presidentialization in Ukraine2015In: The presidentialization of political parties: organizations, institutions and leaders / [ed] Gianluca Passarelli, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015, p. 124-141Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This book considers why the level of party presidentialization varies from one country to another, and how constitutional structures and party genetics affect both the level and the degree it is present. Presenting an international collection of case studies from the US, Latin America, Australia, Japan and Europe, including France, Italy, Germany, Poland and the Ukraine, it examines how the presence of presidential features in political parties varies in terms of the constitutional framework. Highlights the importance of institutions in political life, the case studies provide empirical evidence that no stable presidentialization is possible outside regimes where a presidential dynamic is introduced by the institutions.

  • 180.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Recension av Russisk Politikk2014In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 28, no 2Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 181.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Regime Dynamics and Semi-Presidentialism in Ukraine2014Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 182.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Review: Cohabitation and conflicting politics in French policymaking2016In: West European Politics, ISSN 0140-2382, E-ISSN 1743-9655, Vol. 39, no 4, p. 905-906Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 183.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-presidential shifts in Ukraine: institutional perils and party presidentialization2015Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 184.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidentialism and Governability in Transitional Regimes: Final Project Report2019Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This report summarises general findings and lists the bulk of publications of a three year project "Semi-Presidentialism and Governability in Transitional Regimes" financed by the Swedish Research Council and Dalarna University 2015-2018. The report also includes an abstract in Swedish. A final and signed version of this report was submitted to the Swedish Research Council by early March 2019.

  • 185.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ukrainas konstitutionella sicksackande: Regimförändring och partiutveckling under semipresidentialism2016In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 30, no 1, p. 18-37Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) “President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism.”; 2) “Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister.”; 3) “Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties.” I conclude from the study’s empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.

  • 186.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet.
    Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics under Semi-Presidentialism2012In: Baltic Journal of Law and Politics, ISSN 2029-0454, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 20-45Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end. The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 – the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation – was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

  • 187.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Intra-Executive Conflict and Cabinet Instability: Effects of Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2010In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 45, no 4, p. 505-530Article in journal (Refereed)
  • 188.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unpacking Semi-Presidentialism: Government performance and democracy in four different regime types2016In: Swepsa 2016, 2016Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become a widespread choice among constitution makers around the world. Elgie (1999) defines semi-presidentialism as a system where the constitution includes both a popularly elected president and a prime minister and cabinet accountable to the parliament. With his inclusive definition there are 53 countries with a semi-presidential constitution. The aim of this paper is two-folded. First, we want to demonstrate the empirically value of using the distinction between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. Second, by using indicators on regime performance and democracy from the QoG dataset on 173 countries, we examine the performance records of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes. This is done in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. We find a manifest difference between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism. While premier-presidential regimes have performance records close to parliamentary regimes, president-parliamentary regimes display performance records more similar to pure presidentialism, and it performs even worse on most indicators.

  • 189.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Linde, Jonas
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    Unravelling Semi-Presidentialism: Democracy and Government Performance in Four Distinct Regime Types2018In: Democratization, ISSN 1351-0347, E-ISSN 1743-890X, Vol. 25, no 1, p. 136-157Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Do semi-presidential regimes perform worse than other regime types? Semi-presidentialism has become a preferred choice among constitution makers worldwide. The semi-presidential category contains anything but a coherent set of regimes. We need to separate between its two subtypes, premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. Following Linz’s argument that presidentialism and semi-presidentialism are less conducive to democracy than parliamentarism a number of studies have empirically analyzed the functioning and performance of semi-presidentialism. However, these studies have investigated the performance of semi-presidential sub-types in isolation from other constitutional regimes. By using indicators on regime performance and democracy, the aim of this study is to examine the performance of premier-presidential and president-parliamentary regimes in relation to parliamentarism and presidentialism. Premier-presidential regimes show performance records on par with parliamentarism and on some measures even better. President-parliamentary regimes, on the contrary, perform worse than all other regime types on most of our included measures. The results of this novel study provide a strong call to constitution makers to stay away from president-parliamentarism as well as against the idea of thinking about semi-presidentialism as a single and coherent type of regime.

  • 190.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    A Troubled Tandem?: Character and Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict under Semi-Presidentialism2012Conference paper (Refereed)
  • 191.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Mashtaler, Olga
    National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Kiev.
    Two Decades of Semi-Presidentialism: Issues of Intra-Executive Conflict in Central and Eastern Europe 1991-20112013In: East European Politics, ISSN 2159-9165, E-ISSN 2159-9173, Vol. 29, no 2, p. 109-134Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Semi-presidentialism has become an increasingly popular form of government worldwide and has emerged as the most common regime type in Central and Eastern Europe and among the post-Soviet states. An often identified - although rarely empirically addressed - peril of semi-presidentialism is the risk of intra-executive struggles between the president and prime minister. This study analysis the trend and issues of intra-executive conflicts in eight semi-presidential (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary) countries in Central and Eastern Europe: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. By utilising expert survey data as well as indicators derived from documentary and literature analysis, 76 instances of intra-executive (president–cabinet) coexistences between 1991 and 2011 are examined. The results show that intra-executive conflict has been a frequently occurring phenomenon under both types of semi-presidentialism, and one that has persisted on similar levels throughout the post-communist era. In addition, and quite unexpectedly, we find that the character of conflicts have only slightly changed from being predominantly power struggles over formal rules and competences to being more issue specific and policy oriented.

  • 192.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Eastern Europe’s semi-presidential regimes2018In: The Routledge Handbook of East European Politics / [ed] Adam Fagan and Petr Kopecky, London: Routledge, 2018, p. 67-81Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 193.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Åberg, Jenny
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Semi-Presidential Systems2019In: Oxford Bibliographies: Political ScienceArticle, review/survey (Refereed)
  • 194. Silander, Daniel
    et al.
    Öhlén, MatsDalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Svensk politik och EU: Hur svensk politik har förändrats av medlemskapet i2016Collection (editor) (Refereed)
  • 195.
    Simberg, Erik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    DEN NYA SOCIALDEMOKRATISKA VÄLJARKÅREN: En statistisk klassanalys av den socialdemokratiska väljarkåren under 46 år2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This essay sets out to describe the changes of social class distribution and the meaning of class in the electorate of the Swedish social democrats from the start of the second half of the 20th century until today. The purpose is to see if a traditional political left/right perspective is still a relevant way of seeing and describing the electorate of the Swedish social democrats.

    The method chosen to answer this question is a statistical class analysis which is applied on Swedish election studies from 1964-2010. This essay differentiates between objective class and subjective class. Objective class is based on a division of occupation while subjective class is based the individual class experience.

    The essay concludes that changes have indeed occurred in both class distribution and in the meaning of class for the electorate of the Swedish social democrats. The traditional left/right perspective is still valid and class has still a part to play in explaining the voting behaviour of the Swedish social democrats electorate. But its validity of the traditional left/right perspective and the explanatory power has weakened during the last 50 years, which suggests that other political perspectives is needed today to more fully understand both the electorate of the Swedish social democrats and the Swedish electorate as a whole.

  • 196.
    Sjöberg, Emma
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    EU:s medborgarinitiativ- Demokratisk innovation eller skendemokrati?2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    Utifrån diskussionen om EU:s demokratiska underskott fanns en ambition från EU:s sida att öka öppenheten och medborgarnas makt när man 2009 införde Lissabonfördraget. I och med detta infördes även medborgarinitiativet som fick sina riktlinjer 2012, där målet var att öka medborgarnas politiska engagemang och öppna upp för möjligheten för diskussioner mellan medborgarna och kommissionen. Syftet med denna undersökning är att kritiskt diskutera EU:s medborgarinitiativ för att se vilken påverkan det har på EU:s demokratiska underskott. Med hjälp av teorin kring deltagardemokrati undersöks två perspektiv, nämligen medborgarinitiativets påverkan på EU:s politik och på medborgarnas politiska deltagande. Metoden som används i undersökningen är en beskrivande fallstudie. Utifrån teorin om deltagardemokrati har negativa och positiva förväntade konsekvenser av deltagardemokratin lyfts fram och jämförts med resultatet från undersökningen. Resultatet visar att medborgarinitiativet inte har lett fram till att kommissionen lagt fram några nya lagförslag men att man i vissa fall har vidtagit vissa politiska åtgärder. Gällande medborgarnas politiska engagemang så har valdeltagandet fortsatt att minska och endast ett fåtal av EU:s medborgare har på något vis engagerat sig i något medborgarinitiativ. Utifrån detta kan man konstatera att medborgarinitiativet haft en ytterst liten påverkan på EU:s demokrati, men att det är ett relativt nytt verktyg och bör därför kanske inte dömas ut riktigt än.

  • 197.
    Stomberg, Patrik
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    The Depiction of Crime in School Literature: School as an agent of political socialization2015Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    School is commissioned by the Swedish National Agency for Education (“Skolverket”)

    to impart democratic values, communicate information based on scientific grounds and

    encourage students to form personal views. What does this mean when school teaches

    about complex societal issues which, when dealt with in real life, are loaded with

    ideology and political opinions?

    This study places the politically loaded subject of crime in the context of school as an

    agent of political socialization. A content analysis is executed of contemporary

    literature intended for the teaching of social sciences in Swedish Upper Secondary

    School. The questions asked are whether any ideological bias may be observed in the

    depiction of crime and if the literature complies with what school should comply with

    based on the guidelines issued by the Swedish National Agency for Education. The

    analysis is made along a spectrum ranging from the view that crime is mainly

    conditioned by society to the view that crime mainly is a matter of individual traits.

    Simplified, these ideas correspond to the views of the political left and the political

    right respectively.

    It is concluded that the literature generally complies with the guidelines but with some

    reservations. The ideological center of gravity varies between books. It also stands clear

    that different authors make different choices regarding what to include in the limited

    space a chapter of a book allows. This may influence the overall impression of the

    matter. A final reflection is to which extent school literature should reflect the

    mainstream currents in society in relation to the view sustained within academia, in the

    case a discrepancy exists.

  • 198.
    Ström, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Nya utmanare – nya strategier?: Etablerade partier bemöter ny konkurrens2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the strategic choice of mainstream parties in relation to the competition of voters posed by a niche party and their most important issue, in this case radicalist rightwing populists and the migration issue. The study uses a comparative approach to examine the mainstream parties Social Democrats and Moderates reaction to the niche parties New Democracy 1991-1994 and Sweden Democrats 2010-2015. Using Meguid´s PSO-theory and by performing an qualitative analyse of the parties rhetoric and political suggestions in the parliamentary debates as well as in government bills and reservations in committee reports, the study aims to describe mainstream parties position on the issue and if and how they change position and strategy. The results of the study shows that both mainstream parties over all applies an adversarial strategy, aiming to maintain distance to the niche party and its position but with time and due to changes in the political environment, changes in position and strategy takes place and the mainstream parties applies a slightly more accommodative strategy.

  • 199.
    Ström, Anna
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Nya utmanare – nya strategier?: Etablerade partier bemöter ny konkurrens2016Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this study is to examine the strategic choice of mainstream parties in relation to the competition of voters posed by a niche party and their most important issue, in this case radicalist rightwing populists and the migration issue. The study uses a comparative approach to examine the mainstream parties Social Democrats and Moderates reaction to the niche parties New Democracy 1991-1994 and Sweden Democrats 2010-2015. Using Meguid´s PSO-theory and by performing an qualitative analyse of the parties rhetoric and political suggestions in the parliamentary debates as well as in government bills and reservations in committee reports, the study aims to describe mainstream parties position on the issue and if and how they change position and strategy. The results of the study shows that both mainstream parties over all applies an adversarial strategy, aiming to maintain distance to the niche party and its position but with time and due to changes in the political environment, changes in position and strategy takes place and the mainstream parties applies a slightly more accommodative strategy.

  • 200.
    Suleimanpoor, Shoresh
    Dalarna University, School of Education, Health and Social Studies, Political Science.
    Maktdelning i Irak: en studie av hur etnisk och religiös splittring har hanterats institutionellt2017Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [sv]

    År 2003 inträffade en stor händelse i Iraks historia: USA tillsammans med sina allierade invaderade Irak och eliminerade diktator Saddam Husseins regim. Denna händelse markerade slutet på en lång epok av diktatorstyre i landet, samtidigt som den blev början till en tid då landets heterogena samhälle, bestående av olika etniska och religiösa grupper manifesterade sig i form av många politiska partier eller koalitioner och gjorde anspråk på "sin del" av makten. I Irak försökte man skapa demokrati på ett konsensusorienterat sätt (konsensusdemokrati). Den typ av demokrati där tanken är att alla grupperna i samhället får möjligheten att vara delaktiga i fattandet av de besluten som berör dem och påverkar dem.

    Uppsatsens huvudsyfte är att utforska och analysera de gällande maktdelningsprinciperna i Irak: institutionalisering av de etniska och religiösa uppdelningarna med tanke på grundläggande demokratiska principer såsom representation och inkludering.

    Metoden som tillämpas i denna studie är i huvudsak teorikonsumerande fallstudie, där Arend Lijpharts teori om konsensusdemokrati konsumeras genom att applicera den på studiens enskilda fall, Irak, och med hjälp av teorin förklara det som händer eller pågår i Irak efter 2003.

    I denna uppsats studeras både den formella och den praktiska maktdelningen.

    Resultatet av denna studie visar att alla betydande politiska aktörer i Irak är knutna till någon etnisk eller religiös grupp. Det finns många partier och koalitioner inom varje etnisk eller religiös grupp, men någon eller några gränsöverskridande partier finns inte. Uppsatsen visar att i ganska stor utsträckning Lijpharts teori om konsensusdemokrati är implementerade i den irakiska konstitutionen, att de politiska institutionerna på nationell nivå är organiserade så att de etniska och religiösa grupperna representeras och även i stor utsträckning kan Iraks institutionella organisering kopplas till Lijpharts rekommendationer om konsensusorienterade (consociational) institutioner för delade samhällen. Men trotts allt detta Irak är långt ifrån att vara en stabil demokrati.

    Lijpharts konsensusdemokratis teoretiska bakgrund är byggd på västerländska konsensusdemokratier som är svårjämförbara med det irakiska samhället. 3

    Den här studien visar att i försöket att bygga en konsensusdemokrati i Irak har hänsyn inte tagits till de historiska och kulturella förutsättningarna för upprättande av en sådan demokrati. Där fokuserades i stort sätt bara på bildande av styrande organisationer utan hänsyn till den dominerande politiska kulturen och underliggande samhällsstrukturer.

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